Showing posts with label 4th economy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 4th economy. Show all posts

15 June 2018

Keynes, Capitalists, Communists, Cryptocurrency and Central Bankers

Cryptocurrency emerges from the notion that it is better to trust an algorithm than the judgement of a central banker. 

So before we evaluate cryptocurrency, let's evaluate central banks.

I stand with conservatives who argue for the importance of family, church, state, bank and corporation. Two-parent families raise children less likely to go to jail and more likely to go to university (speaking of institutions). People who go to church weekly live longer. If you live in a failed nation-state your income prospects are cut by tens of thousands of dollars and your life expectancy by a decade or more.  And a great financial system (what I mean when I say bank) helps to create trillions in wealth and enable R-n-D, infrastructure, consumption, and entrepreneurship. 

When healthy and strong, these institutions make lives better. Showing a disregard for these institutions is to show a naivete about who we are as individuals. (Spoiler alert: alone we're less able to survive than dodo birds.)

Where I depart from conservatives is in my conception of these institutions. I do think they are hugely important. I don't think they are sacred. Instead, I think they are just tools.

The church is just a tool, no different from a juicer. What a church makes is more important than what a juicer makes, though, and that is why it is more important. Through a church people make things like meaning, faith in an uncertain future, compassion, identity and community. Those things matter more than juice so churches are more important tools than juicers. It is both that simple and complex.

Once we conceive of institutions as tools, we realize a couple of really important things. One, they didn't always exist. Like a car or toaster, church, state and banks are inventions. Two, just like other products or tools, they can be continually improved. If the purpose of a church is to create compassion, we can design rituals and beliefs to better enhance that just like we can design a saw to more accurately cut wood or a car to more comfortably get us across town. We can judge the Mormon Church or Catholic Church or Church of Scientology by how happy its members are, how much grief they cause non-members, and whether they make the world around them better. (And we can leave it to various churches to discover later who - if anyone - gets sent to heaven and who to hell.) If a church forces its members to disregard the Copernican Revolution or evolution and as a result its members end up in more primitive, less prosperous, anti-science communities we can judge that as a design flaw that needs updating, requiring change no different than debugging needed when  software keeps crashing or works on a laptop but not a smart phone. Catholicism, the United States, IBM, a chest freezer and a bulldozer all share this simple characteristic: they are merely inventions and can - indeed should - be changed and improved. It's true that children do better in two-parent households than they do in one: those two parents may be two dads, two moms, a grandma and a dad, etc. There is no sacred formula for effective institutions but some designs are more effective than others. The best societies design their institutions for who they actually are, not who their ancestors thought they were.

Banks - like churches and nation-states - are not sacred. They are just tools. When effective, they are tools for the masses and not just the elite.

***

So many questions arise from this orientation but a key one is, Who gets to use these tools? The answer is that it depends on how evolved a community is. The nation-state that is a tool of the monarch is more primitive than the nation-state that is a tool of the people. Dictatorships are more primitive than democracies. No one was richer than King Louis XIV in France or Saddam Hussein in Iraq or is richer than Putin in Russia. A nation-state that is the tool of the elite is only partly evolved. The bigger the market for a tool, the more benefit. This was true of computers once bought only by nation-states and now by most people and is true of nation-states once conceived for the glory of the king.

The progress of the West has come in two phase for each of its big institutions. 

In the first phase, creative geniuses conceive of and create institutions like church, state, banks and corporations that make us part of a bigger us. These social inventions hack into our tribal instincts and - rather than leave us in a small tribe of 150 or so - make us the part of a larger group, more people than we can ever hope to meet. "I'm a Christian," we say or "I'm an American" and we feel affinity for a group of billions or hundreds of millions of strangers. Social inventions make us part of a bigger us and that makes us more prosperous. A tribe is poor. Always. A tribal economy doesn't have enough people to allow specialization, economies of scale or the growth in knowledge that comes out of millions or billions of people interacting with one another. The state economies in the US before the Civil War were not as prosperous as the national economy of the US after. The bigger the group, the greater the prosperity. This act of social invention is incredibly important to progress.

In the second phase, the institution is made the tool of the masses and not just the elites. Martin Luther's cry of "We are all priests" or Jefferson's cry of "All men are created equal," were revolutionary. Why? They called for a shift in power from popes and monarchs to the common person. They made church and state tools for anyone to use. In the wake of this reconception of church and state we have religious freedom and democracy and now church and state policy are the product of every- and any-one.

The simplest way to think about the central bank is that it is a means to do for banks what Luther and Jefferson did for church and state: the central bank is a means to make banks a tool for the masses and not just the elites.

Four times the West has created the great institutions that have come to define market economies. Three times it has turned those institutions into tools for the masses. (The corporation is only now changing from tool for the CEO to tool for the newly entrepreneurial employee; that is not something that I'll get into here.) 




It took centuries for the Protestant Revolution that transformed the church in the West to culminate in religious freedom. Martin Luther nailed his 95 theses onto the door of the Wittenberg Castle Church in 1517 and it was not until 1648 that the Treaty of Westphalia was signed to grant religious freedom. (And of course what they thought of as religious freedom we would think of today as hugely restrictive.)  It took about a century for democratic revolutions to transform monarchies across the West. So I guess one ought not to be surprised that the revolution that transformed the bank -  a revolution that largely played out between 1933 and 2000 - is still not really understood or appreciated. You have to understand that revolution before you can really understand cryptocurrency.

***
"You have made yourself the trustee for those in every country who seek to mend the evils of our condition by reasoned experiment within the framework of the existing social system. If you fail, rational change will be gravely prejudiced throughout the world, leaving orthodoxy and revolution to fight it out."
- John Maynard Keynes in an open letter to FDR in 1933

The revolution of the third economy - like the two before it - turned that period's dominant institution into a tool for the masses. The bank became a tool for everyone - and not just bankers - through a couple of mechanisms. The first was simply the work of social evolution - market forces at work. As capital became more abundant, the competition in capital markets shifted from households and businesses competing for capital to lenders and investors competing for customers of capital. The ads for credit cards, home mortgages, and 401(k) accounts late in the 20th century were evidence that capital markets had become as eager for thousands of dollars in business from tens of millions of people as they had earlier been for the tens of millions of dollars in business from thousands of elites. That alone helped with the popularization of capitalism from the wealthy elite to the average consumer. Keynesian policies were the second tool for turning banks into tools for the masses.

Before Franklin Roosevelt became president in 1933, the American economy had been in recession 48% of the 20th century. Half the time GDP was contracting. The good news is that capitalism was creating entirely new industries and technologies as transformative as electricity, radio, automobiles, and airplanes. Life was markedly better with the fruits of capitalism but it was also a world that generated about as many busts as booms. The bank obviously made capitalists rich but it wasn't as clear that it was benefiting workers. (Spoiler alert: it was but not not as rapidly or obviously.) Bankruptcy emerges after banks. From this turmoil of sudden wealth and poverty, income inequality and booms and busts communism was born. Communists knew the pain of that institution the bank and they wanted to be rid of it. It seemed to them wildly unfair and inefficient to have capitalists get rich while workers were losing careers each time a new industry emerged and an old one contracted. The innovation and automation that capital fueled could obsolete entire careers. Instead of banks, communists thought they'd use the nation-state as a mechanism for creating, investing and distributing capital.

The battle before Keynes was between capitalists (who Keynes refers to as orthodoxy in the quote above) and communists (the folks Keynes saw calling for revolution). Capitalists wanted the bank to be unchallenged and unchanged, left a tool for the elites to profit from with little or no regard for the worker or the broader economy. The capitalists were to the bank what royalists were to the nation-state or Catholics were to the church. They thought capitalism sacred. (They even referred to the market as the invisible hand, a nod, of course, to the hand of God that had earlier been thought to drive change and, of course, as with God's will, the market's decisions were not to be questioned or overturned.) Communists, by contrast, wanted the bank eradicated. Treat the institution as sacred or disposable? Side with the capitalists or communists? 

Well, the Keynesian response was to create policies that allowed capitalists to profit (profit motive remains a pretty clear signal about where to best allocate capital) while regulating banks through laws and central bank policy. The Federal Reserve's mission is to keep unemployment and inflation low.  Keynesian policy is fairly simple in concept: banks can do their thing as long as that doesn't mess up the larger economy that includes workers who have to stay employed and are also paid wages that can be made weaker by inflation. Capitalists were left free to profit as long as capital markets helped everyone prosper. Like freedom of religion and democracy before it, this "American Dream" treated a major institution both irreverently and as vital. 

After 1933, the world had three competing models running. One model was communism, another orthodox capitalism and the third Keynesian. (The orthodox capitalism models included a mutated form known as fascism that shared the orthodox belief in the natural inevitability of elites and the need to subordinate workers to business owners (and, of course, the state).) There was no competition. The Keynesian model was a triumph. As mentioned, from 1900 to 1933, the American economy was in recession 48% of the time. Since then it has been in recession only 14% of the time. In the 20th century, throughout the West, incomes and life expectancy rose dramatically. Keynesian economies trounced communists and unregulated market economies. People steadily got more access to credit and investment markets and as they did, wealth increased more than in any previous century.

The inventions of church, state and bank were so very, very cool. Turning them into tools for the masses rather than just elites was even more cool.

The punchline of the third economy's transformation of the bank? A banking system needs a central bank and regulations that save it from sub-optimization. Keynesian policies subordinate the banking system to the broader economy. Without that the economy booms and busts in ways that costs everyone - even banks.

So now let's turn to cryptocurrencies, the currency that relies on an algorithm rather than a central bank.

***

Cryptocurrencies are designed to avoid central bank policy. As long as they remain a minor part of the economy, this isn't such a big deal. Their value will vary wildly against other currencies but that won't adversely affect the economy, just the investors lucky enough to catch it on a swing up or unlucky enough to catch it before a big fall. 

But the more widely cryptocurrency is adopted, the more it will drive variation in GDP growth. Cryptocurrency promoters are not communists or Keynesians but instead are orthodox capitalists who have come back with algorithms. They are true believers in financial markets as forces that act best unsubordinated to anything else. They are designed to avoid central bank influence. If they are right than Keynes was wrong.

The good and the bad thing about algorithms is that they are rules that don't change in different environments. A new species can change an environment, though. The mortgage instruments that seemed like just a new product for bundling mortgage debt into securities that could be sold ended up changing the financial market in 2008. They were a key trigger to the Great Recession. It is not just that cryptocurrency would change the financial environment as it becomes more popular. The simple algorithms it follows will behave very differently in an environment in which they are dominant than one in which they are marginal.

Simple rules can still lead to weird chaos. This is one reason that the Federal Reserve has goals rather than rules. Things change and a constant growth in money supply can be a problem in an economy subject to shocks and surprises. Central banks change the variables they can to effect stability in employment and inflation. They are not perfect - that's impossible - but they are willing to subordinate capital markets to broader goals and they are willing to change things in novel or unexpected ways to effect such change. A cryptocurrency disconnected from any central bank or government regulation won't subordinate to broader economic goals and any attempt to suddenly change a predictable algorithm to do that could lead to chaos within the cryptocurrency market.

We see already that the simple algorithms that drive cryptocurrencies don't translate into stable prices of cryptocurrencies. As (and if) they become more popular they will not translate into stable economies. 

***

Speaking of social inventions, currencies are just made up. As it turns out, though, the point of currencies is not currencies. Currency just facilitates economic activity. To do this currencies have to be a store of value as well but that is incidental to its property, not its purpose. Currency induces people to work, to part with resources, to sacrifice or work now for future gain, and so on. A body is not made more healthy by the production of more RNA (that can, in turn, synthesize protein) any more than an economy is made more healthy by the production of more money. Hyperinflation is a reminder that the goal is not to maximize currency (or even to minimize it or keep it constant). 

***

One of my beliefs with the fourth economy is that what limits in one economy becomes abundant in the next. In an industrial economy, capital is so scarce that more of it will almost always provoke more economic growth, the creation of more jobs and wealth. In an information economy, though, capital has become more abundant and introducing more of it has a diminishing effect.

What limits economic progress now is not the capital to finance education for knowledge workers or factories for capitalists or the startup capital for entrepreneurs. We have trillions wandering the globe in search of returns (and arguably driving prices of stocks higher than is justified by expected profits).

A key question to ask about cryptocurrency is whether it has emerged because we have so much capital in search of novel returns or if it exists because we do not have sufficient currency to facilitate the economic activity that creates new jobs and wealth. For me, the answer seems obvious. Cryptocurrencies emerged during a time of such capital abundance that the interest on Dutch bonds - and they have records that go back to the time of Martin Luther - was negative for the first time. It is hard to argue that the problem with the modern world is a lack of capital or currency. 

Cryptocurrencies seem a symptom of a glut of capital rather than shortage.

***

Nor do we have a shortage of currencies. It seems plausible that the euro that emerged out of the EU will be  a prelude to the consolidation of currencies within regions. There are about 180 currencies around the world (most nation-states have one). It's not clear that we need more.  

Cryptocurrency advocates argue that bitcoin is poised to become the replacement currency for many of these national currencies. If currency needed no Keynesian policies to direct its behavior, this would actually be plausible. It is unclear, though, what would act as a central bank mechanism for any cyrptocurrency. I actually think it more plausible that the World Bank could issue a currency at some point.

***

Keynes published The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money in 1936. (But as was evident in his 1933 letter to FDR, he'd been thinking about this theory for years.) Kurt Godel published his incompleteness theorem in 1931. Godel essentially argue that a system cannot contain its own proof. Ultimately, a system needs an outside reference. Keynes notion of capitalism was similar to Godel's notion of math: it needed an outside reference point to keep it from collapsing in on itself. 

A currency or financial system ultimately needs an outside regulatory engine or mechanism to keep it running smoothly. (Or relatively smoothly. Booms and busts are inevitable even if it is not inevitable that the busts are underway half the time.)

Currencies are only part of the system. The economy is the whole system and in order to optimize the economy you have sub-optimize the parts of it, including its capital or currency.  The lesson of Keynes is that banks, capital and currencies have to be regulated by something outside. (Lightly. But regulated nonetheless.)

***

Cryptocurrency seems like modern technology based on an old, pre-Keynesian worldview that trusts in self-regulating financial markets that don't disrupt employment and GDP. I'm not sure that using a computer rather than a printing press makes that worldview any more effective. In fact, it could even make it more dangerous.


23 March 2018

How Real Estate Has Made Trump's Economic Policies so Dangerous

Probably the most insidious way that real estate has shaped 
Trump's mind is that it has given him a zero-sum worldview.

An acre next to the Empire State Building would have cost $90 million in 2006, 30,000X what an acre in Kansas costs. New York's real estate market is dominated by corporations and family wealth and if your grandfather didn't have the bravado or wisdom to buy an acre of Manhattan, you probably don't own one now. Jared Kushner and Donald Trump didn't move from Kansas as young men and buy acreage; they come from real estate families.

Trump Tower Chicago, photo from Ron Davison
Real estate is a weird industry and it colors Trump's worldview in a variety of ways. It makes him better understand family dynasties and prefer the certainty of dictators to democracies, think of wealth as something just created "out there," and - worst of all - gives him a zero-sum worldview.

Dynasties and Development

If Angela Merkel loved Trump, it wouldn't noticeably change his odds of getting a Trump Tower Berlin. If Vladimir Putin loved Trump, it enormously changes his odds of a Trump Tower Moscow.

Real estate developers need permits and dictators are better able to provide those than democracies, and this is one of the simple, often overlooked reasons why Trump pays a disproportionate amount of attention to dictators rather than presidents.

Real estate also needs financing.

In 2007, just before the mortgage crisis bust, the Kushner family paid roughly $2 billion for 666 5th Avenue. It has caused them trouble ever since. Mueller is investigating Kushner family finances. (Jared's dad has already served time in prison.) For instance, the Kushner family met with Qatar for financing for their 666 property and later, after Qatar said no, Kushner worked with the Saudi's on a blockade of Qatar. Financing is key to success in real estate and Trump and Kushner have trouble getting loans from American banks, which also explains their fondness for dictators. (For more on these stories and Jared Kushner, listen to Robert Wright's interview with Elizabeth Spiers.)

This entanglement with foreign powers - from Russia to Saudi Arabia - is key to understanding how Trump and Kushner see politics. They aren't going to offend the entities who may be a source of loans or approvals for big developments. Presidents of a democracy cannot make you rich; dictators can.

The Magical Origins of Wealth

Homes in Detroit cost $44,600 and $1.3 million in San Francisco.  For the same price, you could buy one home in San Francisco or 29 in Detroit, where you could sleep in a different home every day of the month.

People who bought an apartment building or couple of rental homes in San Francisco 30 years ago have "done well" in spite of the fact that what they actually did is no different from what people who bought real estate in Detroit did. Real estate is derivative; if it is located in a community that knows how to create jobs and wealth, its price goes up.

William J. Bernstein claims that the simplest predictor of home prices is the mortgage payments folks can afford. What someone buying or selling real estate does isn't the determinant of whether it sells for $50k or $500k; that price is determined by what the local community is doing to either create jobs that pay $15,000 a year or $150,000.

Had the Trump and Kushner families settled in Detroit and owned real estate there, they'd either be small time or even bankrupt as a result of borrowing heavily to buy property that dropped - rather than soared - in price. Given they had the good sense to be born into New York real estate families, they are rich. Or at least have really big mortgages.

If you own or develop real estate in a prosperous area, it's easy to think of wealth as something that just magically happens. Trump never mentions economic development plans that involve investment in R&D or education. In his mind, it is enough to simply deregulate and let economic development happen.


Zero-Sum

Probably the worst way that real estate has shaped Trump's worldview, though, is this: real estate is probably the most zero-sum industry in the US and success in it can easily drive a win-lose or at best win attitude.

The first economy, an agricultural economy from about 1300 to 1700, was land based and the easiest thing to see about an acre or oil well is that if you get it I won't. One of us wins and another loses. War and the emergence of standing armies, guns, cannons, and artillery defined a great deal of this time and the conquest of land was key to prosperity.

You were likely born in the third economy, an information economy from about 1900 to 2000. If I give you an acre and you give me an acre - assuming they are comparable acres - neither of us comes out ahead. By contrast, if I give you an idea and you give me an idea - assuming they are comparable ideas - we both come out ahead.

In this fourth economy, an entrepreneurial economy from about 2000 to 2050, collaboration is even more important. 20 years ago, a typical product development team I worked with would sub out about 10% of its work to an outside company; now it is more likely to be a third. Specialization and the drive for the best collaborators has made teams even more reliant on outside companies, and folks working on teams who have either moved from another country or now work in another country. Customers will only buy a world-class product, whether that means incredibly cheap or incredibly good or both. To get a world-class product you need to collaborate with team members from all over the world and everyone in the process needs to benefit.

If the third economy was win-win, the fourth economy is win-win-win-win-win; investors, employees, partners, customers, and entrepreneurs all have to win for an enterprise to work. If even one of those groups thinks they'll lose, they can scuttle the whole enterprise.

Trump's zero-sum sensibilities are at odds with modern economic realities. Acreage is zero-sum. If you get that building at 666 5th Avenue, I don't. Deal-making is critical to success and Trump's deals are win-lose. The thought that Canada, Mexico AND the US could all be winning from NAFTA is laughable to Trump; in his mind, someone is either winning or losing in trade relationships. (And apparently his measure of who is winning or losing is the trade deficit, an odd scorecard that distorts so much.)

The real estate industry has to be one of the most zero-sum industries in the US. The fact that this is the industry Trump rose out of makes him far more likely to take a win-lose approach with other nations, whether in trade wars or real ones.

In his book Sapiens, Yuval Noah Harari makes an interesting point about California. If a foreign power conquered it in 1850, during California's gold rush, they would get most of the wealth. If a foreign power conquered California today, it would chase away all the wealth that now is in the form of people and their ideas, networks, companies and industries rather than in the form of gold nuggets that could be seized along with the land. Once upon a time conquest captured wealth; now it destroys it.

In this willingness to go to war to "win," Trump shows a lack of understanding of how modern economies work, a failure to understand that it is networks of trade and idea exchange that spill across borders that need to be protected and not land that neatly fits within borders. Taking a win-lose approach to fourth economy realities threatens the wealth and jobs that make a community prosperous.

08 December 2014

The Arguments About Keynesian Economics Are Almost Never About Keynesian Economics

Keynes had a major insight into economics that people still seem to miss. It has to do with equilibrium and it plays out something like this.

1.
Capital markets are essential to a thriving economy. Without investors willing to fund new schools and factories, new businesses and non-governmental organizations, we'd have no innovation, no growth, no creation of wealth or jobs. As an economy becomes more dynamic, this steady infusion of investment becomes more important just to sustain normal growth and employment. 

2.
During a period of healthy growth, the equilibrium for capital markets and labor markets are coincident. Letting investment markets do their natural thing will result in new jobs and economic expansion. 

3.
The equilibrium for capital markets can shift. One day the price of capital can induce savers to invest and the next day it can convince them to hold their money in cash rather than make loans or fund new businesses. 

4.
This new equilibrium in capital markets shifts the equilibrium in labor markets. Unemployment can spike as capital sits idle.  

5.
This shift in equilibrium for capital and labor markets will drive down GDP. Sales will fall. 

6.
At this point, it's perfectly rational for every sector to sustain the recession. Households without jobs won't buy. Businesses without sales won't hire. Investors without sufficient number of employed households or expanding businesses to loan to will sit on their money.

7. 
In other words, at this point every "localized" market - labor, goods, and capital - will be in equilibrium. The good news is that the economy is stable. The bad news is that it has reached stability at recessionary levels. This general equilibrium needs to shift before it will make sense for investors, households, and businesses to change their behavior. There is nothing happening in the two other markets to drive a change in the third.

8.
Government can make changes that will shift equilibrium in all the "localized" markets. By spending more, by cutting taxes, by putting more money into circulation or lowering interest rates, it can engineer temporary growth, helping to put an economy back on track for steady expansion. It can disrupt the equilibrium in the localized markets to get things moving again.

Valid rebuttals to Keynesian economics include criticism about a governments' ability to time stimulus, the level of downturn deserving of Keynesian stimulus, and the degree to which a Keynesian style intervention needs to be coordinated with other countries to be effective. You could even argue about whether expectations might mitigate the effect of such government policies.

Invalid rebuttals include "I don't like big government." Keynesian policy recommendations are incidental to the size of a government. Countries like Denmark (where government spending is 58% of GDP), Sweden (51%), Germany (45%) the US (41%), Mexico (27%), Singapore (17%), or the Philippines (16%) can all engage in Keynesian policies. Whether you want to emulate Southeast Asia or Northern Europe is irrelevant. Whether your long-term target for government spending is 50% of GDP or 15% of GDP, government spending can still be increased in the short-term in response to recessions and downturns. You can induce capital markets to engage in ways that stimulate the whole economy. 

For me, the real genius of Keynes was his realization that reaching equilibrium in capital markets didn't automatically ensure equilibrium in the general economy. Before Keynes, we only had economics. After Keynes, we had microeconomics and macroeconomics. His policies were key to creating conditions that allowed the limit to shift from capital to knowledge workers. 

26 September 2014

GDP Grew 4.6% in 2nd Quarter (Politicians and Media, Committed to Bad News, Look the Other Way)

The final estimate is that the GDP grew by 4.6% in the 2nd Quarter of this year, according to today's report from the Department of Commerce.

Consumer spending on durable goods (things like cars and refrigerators) and business investment were up 14.1% and 9.7%. Consumers spending more on purchases that could be deferred demonstrates that they are feeling more confident about the economy, as does businesses spending more to invest in the future.

It's not just the best quarter since 2011. It matches the best quarter since before 2007.


But you won't hear much about it. Not on the news, not from politicians. It is in no one's interest to present positive news. A reporter on Bloomberg said, "There's no reason to look at GDP growth today." Other news outlets, apparently agreeing, simply failed to mention it in their top of the hour reports.

The Obama administration is still pushing for programs that would create more jobs and raise median income. To say that things are going great makes it harder to argue for those programs.

The Republicans move blithely from one irrelevant and bone-headed argument to the next, whether it's invading the Middle East or paying for two wars with a tax cut or screaming about how huge deficits during the Great Recession are going to blow up the economy or how Obamacare is going to create huge deficits and blow up the economy.They repeatedly show themselves completely tone deaf on policy and - sadly - in tune on politics, managing to win the attention of media and voters without ever actually being right about anything of substance.

Liberals think it's awful that the GDP is growing because corporate profits are going up and it is only the rich who are getting richer. So for them, the economy actually sucks and numbers to the contrary are misleading. Misery still exists and they'll focus on it. Liberals fail to see the humor in Woody Allen's quip, "I can't enjoy a meal as long as I know that someone, somewhere is starving."

Conservatives think it's awful that the GDP is growing because it suggests that Obama's and the Fed's policies might actually be sensible rather than disastrous. Today's most influential conservatives are ideologues who think that pragmatism is the worst kind of betrayal and wouldn't admit that government policies could have any positive impact even if the fastest growing economy of the last quarter century was communist.

The media think it's best to ignore mention that the GDP is growing robustly because it undercuts an incredibly lucrative narrative that brings up ratings. Whether they're trying to get ratings from liberals outraged at how only the 1% are benefiting from this recovery or from conservatives who are clinging tightly to their belief that the world is getting worse and has been since Adam and Eve's expulsion from the garden, and that any proof to the contrary is either fabricated or fleeting. Bad news is good news for news outlets. People stay tuned for news about hurricanes, not 70 degree weather.

It's an odd time. Never has technology and business innovation offered more potential and yet rarely have people been so gloomy about the future. If a huge swath of us get wiped out by Ebola, we'll look back chagrined at what petty things we whined about. If - as I think - we'll hit an inflection point that makes us more prosperous and privileged than any previous generation has dreamed about, then we'll look back chagrined at how incredibly pessimistic we were at the dawn of this change. In either case, the committed pessimism strikes me as absurd and increasingly takes a commitment to denial that hopefully fewer and fewer people will be able to muster.


03 June 2011

When Our Inventions Invent Us

Of all inventions institutions are unique: they are the only inventions that, in time, invent us. Institutions like school, business, church, government and media define the individual’s life. A seven-year-old child has little choice about whether he is educated within an Afghani Wahabi school, where he is taught that America is evil, or in an Oklahoma City elementary school, where he is taught that America is good. Yet by the conclusion of either education, the individual will have learned to defend what he is taught. One of the first things that any institution does is teach its members how to defend that institution. 

There are no other inventions that program into their users this defense of the invention. Phonographs become CD players with little protest. Horse-drawn carriages become automobiles; telegraph gives way to telephone. Yet individual Jews, Christians or Muslims will die protecting their church. Austrians, Mexicans and Ethiopians will die protecting their country. Institutions do not just shape the life of the individual; they readily sacrifice those lives in order to survive.

The question is whether its possible to create a generation that is not institutionalized. Such a generation could treat institutions as tools rather than, be treated as tools by these institutions. It seems to me that such a remove will be necessary before we can engage in social invention in the same way that we now engage in technological invention. 

13 March 2011

Fashion: the Consumer as Status Symbol

Another excerpt from the book, The Fourth Economy: Inventing Western Civilization from 1300 to 2050. This is from the chapter on the information economy.


“Man is a social being. We can never explain demand by looking only at the physical properties of goods. Man needs goods for communicating with others and for making sense of what is going on around him. The two needs are but one, for communication can only be formed in a system of meanings. His overriding objective as a consumer, put at its most general, is a concern for information about the changing cultural scene.”
Mary Douglas[1]

Fashion – Could Any Social Invention More Obviously Be a Social Invention?
The purpose of fashion is to stimulate demand. It’s a pretty brilliant ploy, really, to compel people who have a perfectly good product to replace it.

The new production methods worked very well for making clothes. In the decades after Crowell’s success with continuous production, the textile and garment industry grew about two or three times as rapidly as any industry. By 1915, only steel and oil were larger industries than the clothing trade[2].

“’The way out of overproduction.’ Wrote one fashion expert, ‘must lie in finding out what the woman at the counter is going to want; make it; then promptly drop it and go on to something else to which fickle fashion is turning her attention.’” Constant change was essential to prosperity of manufacturers and retailers.[3]

The information economy was rich in symbols used for communication and computing. The genius of fashion is that it made the consumer’s goods a symbol, one they would pay dearly to enhance and maintain. In an age that was - at least politically - increasingly democratic, fashion was an important symbol of status, signaling rank. Fashion became fashionable just as aristocracies faded. Fashion made the consumer a symbol. 


[1] James R. Beniger, The Control Revolution: Technological and Economic Origins of the Information Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986) 101.
[2] William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York: Vintage Books, 1994) 93.
[3] William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York: Vintage Books, 1994) 94.

12 March 2011

The Fourth Economy as a Table

This is the framework I've used to define the last 700 years and predict the next 50. 

19 February 2010

Quaint Victorian Notions About Capital in a Modern World

We Americans live in the richest, most economically driven country in the history of the planet. And still we’re ambivalent about money and debt. Our revulsion to debt is literally Victorian.

There was time in history when capital was scarce and hard to get or create. Social inventions that helped to overcome this limit made communities rich. Social inventions included new norms, like traditions of saving and investing, and new institutions, like modern banks, and bond and stock markets.

One of the social inventions that helped in the early days of capitalism was uneasiness about debt, something shared by British and Americans in the 1800s and early 1900s.

19th century preachers inveighed against debt, teaching that it mars and stains the soul. Protestant preachers liked to quote Paul, "owe no man anything but love." Debt was proof that one failed at self-denial. Charles Spurgeon, the best-known English preacher of the late 1800s, described the trinity of evil as "debt, dirt, and the devil."

And yet by the early 1900s, debt had become obviously essential to economic progress. This is still a point little appreciated, it seems, but it has to do with establishing new industries. You'll have to follow a few steps here, but I'll try to keep it simple.

1. Imagine a world where everyone has to farm to be fed.

2. Then, someone invents a machine (capital) that can do the work of 100 men. This means that 99 men are freed up to work on something else.

3. 99 men are unemployed. 1 man is incredibly rich. Or would be, if only the 99 hungry and unemployed men had money.

4. Inventors and entrepreneurs create new products and services – from the sublime to the silly. [Look at the end of this post for a list that comes from the years around 1900.]

5. These inventions and business ventures require financing. Debt even. Debt creates. Getting these new industries started is an act of faith. It requires capital investment for building factories and stores. It requires capital for making payroll to manufacturing and sales people. And it requires consumer credit so that people can begin buying this new thing. Once established, though, capital gets its return and there is a new source of sales and salaries. Debt can create new wealth. And yes, even consumer debt that isn't obviously directed at creating wealth can be instrumental to this.

6. These new ventures and inventions don’t just make life more interesting, richer, and confusing: they create jobs for the 99 people made redundant by productivity gains in the old industries.

All this to say that reluctance to take on debt can hobble progress. One of the worst things you can do in an economy is treat what is scarce as abundant and what is abundant as scarce. Victorian England - with its social stigma against debt - was actually creating the right culture for that stage of capitalism. Capital was scarce and people should have treated it carefully. The reality behind the billions made in venture capital, junk bonds, and credit cards today, though, is expressed in Michael Milken’s observation that, “In an industrial society, capital is a scarce resource, but in today’s information society, there’s plenty of capital.” Today, jobs are scarce and capital is abundant; an economy that goes into debt because it is mis-using its capital but creates jobs so as not to mis-use its labor has an edge over an economy that leaves a large percent of its work force under- or unemployed.

So, with all the worry about debt, what does this suggest? To me, this change suggests that we ought not to worry about wasting capital that is abundant. Rather, we should worry about wasting labor. Our economy will be made stronger by employing more people into productive ventures, not by avoiding debt. Once we’ve got employment back up and have created jobs, we can worry about debt. But not about eliminating it – just in shifting it into the creation of new industries and services.


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Some of the inventions from the decades around 1900:
central heating; the safety razor; stainless-steel implements; the striptease; the electric toaster; iron, oven; sewing machine; dishwasher; electric elevator; dial phone; portable typewriter; radium treatment for breast cancer; heart surgery; the psychiatric clinic; contact lenses; toothpaste in tubes; motion pictures; musical comedy; the gramophone; volleyball and basketball; the Ferris Wheel; the jukebox; breakfast cereals; milk delivered in bottles; packaged produce; Coca-Cola; margarine; the ice cream cone; the refrigerator; public libraries; the correspondence course; the full-range department store; the chain store; the shopping center; the coin telephone; the traveler’s check; fingerprinting; the automatic pistol; the electric chair; the automobile and the airplane; the underground city subway train; the pneumatic tire; color photography; rayon and other artificial textiles; chewing gum.

03 September 2008

Our Bush League Economy

If you had pulled money from the stock market and put it into a European savings account on the day that George Bush was sworn in, you would have twice as much money as someone who left it in place.

As the Republicans talk up the economy, it might be worth looking at some hard data.
About 10 years ago, roughly 80% of Americans were in a pension plan. Stock market performance was of some interest. Today, nearly 80% of Americans are in 401(k) plans that directly depend on stock market performance.

Imagine two people who had $500,000 invested in the S&P 500 on January 20, 2000, when George took office.

Denny the Democrat, fearing George's policy and not knowing what else to do, sold all his stock at the opening bell and bought euros, putting all his money in a decent but conservative 3% a year savings account.

Reggie the Republican, delighted that his man was now at the helm, left his money in the S&P 500, trusting in the American economy and dollar.

Reggie lost 15% of his money, leaving him with just $424,765.

Denny made more than 69%, leaving him with $850,410, exactly twice as much as Reggie.

Reggie will have lost more than $75,000, while Denny will have made more than $350,000. Funny thing - no one has bothered to mention this at the convention. In fact, if you listen closely to McCain and his fellow speakers at the RNC, you would think that were NOT the incumbent party.

It's not just rising gas and grocery prices that have wearied folks. It is not just stagnant wages. It is no surprise that only 10% of Americans feel good about the economy. It is a surprise that the Republicans are able to gather a crowd in Minneapolis.

20 June 2008

Your World - A Social Construct

My inspiration to begin blogging traces back to two things: my outrage at George Bush’s policies and wanting a forum in which I played with my 4th Economy ideas. It seems as though, of all the things that interest me, this 4th Economy idea – my one big idea – is the one that provokes the least interaction and interest when I write about it.

Going over ideas of Werner Erhard’s about how our own personal narratives are constructs, I wonder if one of the obstacles to my explaining the 4th Economy don’t trace back to this still elusive notion of social constructs. Foundational to the ideas is the notion that even terribly large constructs – like Renaissance thinking or the modern, dominant pragmatist way of thinking – are themselves social constructs.

If one were to doubt the claim that any culture’s dominant world view is a social construct, one would only have to look at the inordinate amount of time and attention we give to “civilizing” a baby to become a member of society. The gross effort it takes to recreate our society in each child should be testament to the fact that any culture is not a "natural" or spontaneous state; it is, instead a social construct that takes great effort - every time. Language and manners, what we question and what we accept, social roles … all of these end products represent the myriad tasks of parents and teachers and are essentially tasks that work to construct a world view and assert the place of the individual in it.

Instead of being seen that way, we more often see social constructs as “the way things are,” rather than a choice that is carefully and painstakingly chosen and supported. Mothers in particular have to be aware of how tenuous is this social construct. The curious child, the rebellious child, the stubborn child, the lazy child (and really, which of our children are not all of these things at various stages of the day / week / childhood / adulthood?) all question the social construct in ways that don’t readily suggest easy answers.

It might be too much to expect parents and schools to add to their list of admonitions and lessons the label: “Warning: contents of this society have been known to create feelings of anomie and alienation, provoke wars, homicides, and suicides, and pollute the habitat you need for survival. Most of what we tell you should be questioned and improved on. This is, really, just the best we’ve been able to do up until now and it could be that improvement will actually overturn much of what we now accept and advocate. Learn about your culture and your place in it, but don’t cling too tightly to it.”

It does seem like a stretch to expect communities to see their culture as a social construct when, as Werner Erhard and others have seemed to prove, even accepting the notion that our own life, our own life's story is a construct is elusive, a notion we tend to resist. As long as we continue to believe that even our own lives just represent "what is" rather than a construct that we might change, it'll be hard to build a consensus that it is time to break out of the consensus trance. And to give you some idea about my own level of optimism, I actually think that this is a task we can do.

To quote from the bumper sticker, just sign me, "another dopeless hope fiend."