Showing posts with label obama. Show all posts
Showing posts with label obama. Show all posts

26 July 2019

GDP Growth Under Last Four Presidents (Or What Trump Lied About This Time)

This morning the new GDP numbers were announced here. The numbers compare the second quarter of 2019 with the second quarter of 2018.

GDP is up 2.1% for 2Q 2019
Personal consumption is up 4.3%
Private domestic investment is down 5.5%
Exports are down 5.1%
Federal government spending is up 7.9%

So what does this mean in simple English?
GDP growth was below average. Since 1993, quarterly growth has averaged 2.6%. Hitting 2.1% rather than 2.6% is a difference of $100 billion. ($107 billion, to be exact. Which works out to about $300 per American.)  GDP rose because personal consumption and government spending is up and in spite of the fact that exports and investment are down.

It's dicey to play psychologist based on one quarter but this suggests that the great job market, long boom and easy credit have made American consumers more comfortable buying stuff. So personal consumption is up.

Meanwhile, Trump's constant trade war talk has made businesses nervous about investing more and has already hurt their ability to sell to foreign markets. So business investment and exports are down.

Households are comfortable and businesses are nervous. It's tough to sustain increases in household and government spending when investment and exports are dropping.

There is another element worth noting. I've heard from more than one Trump supporter that GDP growth under Trump has been unprecedented and that he's hit quarterly growth levels that Obama thought impossible. Like so many of the claims originating from the fake president, this is an absurd claim that quickly dissolves on contact with facts. 

This graph shows quarterly GDP growth for the last four presidents. Specifically, it shows the average for each one (blue bar), their highest quarter (orange), their lowest quarter (gray) and the difference between the average of their first three quarters (the economy they inherited) and the average of their last three quarters (the economy they left for the next president) (yellow). 


Studying this graph quickly makes a few things obvious. 

Trump has the lowest high. In his best quarter, GDP grew by 3.2% from a year earlier. For Clinton, Bush, and Obama, the highs were 5.3%, 4.3%, and 4.0%. GDP is not growing at unprecedented highs under Trump. It is not even growing at precedented highs. Clinton, Bush, and Obama all had better quarters. (Clinton alone enjoyed 24 quarters of better GDP growth than Trump's best quarter. 24.)

Bush inherited a great economy and made it worse, GDP growth dropping by 2.8 percentage points from what it was in his first three quarters to what it was in his last three quarters. Obama inherited an awful economy and made it better, GDP growth increasing by 5.1 percentage points. Clinton inherited a decent economy and made it great, increasing GDP growth by 1.3 percentage point. Trump? Trump hasn't really changed things. He inherited a good economy and made it somewhat better, an uptick of 0.3 percentage points from his first few quarters to his most recent three. It is fascinating that so many of his critics who thought he would blow up the economy (in a disastrous way, as I did) and so many of his supporters who thought he would blow up the economy (in a great way), have found themselves in the calm before a clear direction. For the most part, the economy has continued on the same trajectory in which he found it.

Of course none of this is what he promised.

Trump promised GDP growth of 4, 5 or 6% after he passed his tax cut. (Video here.) He's currently averaging 2.6%, about two-thirds of what the economy averaged under Clinton and less than half of what he promised. It's not just that his tax bill has doubled the deficit; it has failed to make any discernible change in GDP growth.

If he just shut up, the economy might do better. Businesses might invest more and find it easier to sell abroad without dodging the tariffs of Trump's trade wars. Of course expecting Trump to shut up is like expecting the heads on Mount Rushmore to speak out. 

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Catherine Rampell puts the surge in government spending into perspective.


14 July 2019

Do I Have a Surprise for You

Moliere had a character in a play who was terribly surprised to learn that he'd been speaking prose all his life.
Today Trump told democratically elected, native born Congresspeople to go back to their "own countries. Like Obama who he insisted had to have been born in Kenya, these women just happen to all have brown skin. There's a pattern here and guess what? If you support that, like Moliere's character surprised to learn he was speaking prose, you might be surprised to learn that you're racist.

Why Trump Will Lose in 2020

Trump lost the popular vote in 2016. Less talked about is how narrow was his electoral college victory. To put that in perspective, he's the 45th president and 45 presidential elections were decided by a wider electoral college margin. Since his first day in office, his net approval across the 50 states has dropped by an average of 20 points. It is hard to imagine any scenario in which such a drop doesn't reverse his narrow margin of victory into a decisive loss.


Trump's approval rating has crashed since his first day in office. His net approval [footnote 1] across all 50 states has dropped by an average of 20 points since he took office, ranging from a drop of only 10 points [2]  to a drop of 33 points [3]. There is not a single state where his approval has gone up since he took office.


[graph with latest information at Morning Consult, here.]

He won 306 electoral votes in 2016, 38 more electoral votes than he needed to become president. That was a tight margin. (To put it in perspective, Trump is the 45th president and there have been 45 presidential elections decided by wider margins.)

I'm no scientist but I can't see how a margin of victory that slim can overcome a drop in approval rating of 20 points.

The states he won that have shifted from a net positive approval to a net negative represent 125 electoral votes. [4]

If all of those states shift from Trump to his opponent, he loses by 354 to 181, a victory roughly equivalent to Obama's 2008 win. If only one-third of the states that no longer approve of Trump vote for his opponent, his opponent wins by the very thin margin that George W. Bush won by in 2000. And obviously if his drop in approval rating doesn't change a single electoral vote, he wins again by a narrow margin. That last scenario is possible but seems wildly improbable.

And of course one thing that makes this even worse for Trump is that every year more of his supporters die. In 2016, 52% of those over 65 voted for him while only 36% of those 18 to 29 did. Every year, about 2.8 million people die and about that many become old enough to vote. Every year, Trump loses about 500,000 voters, net, as younger voters less likely to vote for him replace older voters. He lost the popular vote by 3 million in 2016. Since then, the conveyor belt of aging has meant a net loss of roughly 2 million more voters.

A cautious man would predict a narrow victory for whichever Democrat runs against Trump. These numbers don't make me feel that cautious.

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[1] % of the people in the state who approve of him minus the % who disapprove
[2] Hawaii, where it dropped from a negative 13 t a negative 22
[3] New Mexico, where his net positive of 17 points dropped to a negative of 16
[4] The states that have dropped from a net positive to a net zero approval rating represent another 26 electoral votes. In June, Georgia and Missouri would have to flip a coin to decide whether they approved or disapproved of him.


07 June 2019

Trump's Most Baffling Policy (Or, yet another chapter in Trump's on-going battle with the future)

We beat the Nazis because we had better manufacturing and research capacity. We invented the atom bomb before they did. We made tanks and planes faster than they could.

Near the end of the war, FDR asked Vannevar Bush to explore how wartime research efforts could be transformed into peace time efforts to create new technologies and jobs and to increase life expectancy. Out of Bush's recommendations, captured in Science, the Endless Frontier, came the National Science Foundation which has steadily grown since, providing funding for the basic research that is life-changing over generations.

Bush had great insight into the importance of research and how it is best conducted. Speaking of basic research that doesn't immediately translate into a new product, he wrote about how medical research could be supported within medical schools and universities.
Apart from teaching, however, the primary obligation of the medical schools and universities is to continue the traditional function of such institutions, namely, to provide the individual worker with an opportunity for free, untrammeled study of nature, in the directions and by the methods suggested by his interests, curiosity, and imagination. The history of medical science teaches clearly the supreme importance of affording the prepared mind complete freedom for the exercise of initiative. 

As the United States acted on recommendations such as Bush's, our country clearly took the lead in the creation of new technology, industries and companies. The National Science Foundation is both reality and symbol of our on-going support for research. Bush saw in research the basis for our economic progress as well: 
Where will these new products come from? How will we find ways to make better products at lower cost? The answer is clear. There must be a stream of new scientific knowledge to turn the wheels of private and public enterprise. There must be plenty of men and women trained in science and technology for upon them depend both the creation of new knowledge and its application to practical purposes.
As it turns out, support for research is non-partisan. Since its creation, leaders of both parties have steadily increased the amounts they've asked for to fund the National Science Foundation. Until now.

Trump is the first president to cut average funding from his predecessor. (Or more precisely, request that the average be lowered during his administration. Presidents make a request and Congress makes the appropriation.) Add to his list of leadership qualities, "Not a fan of scientific progress. Facts? I don't need research for that. I can make those up."

Among the institutions he's trying to erode is this most basic tool for progress. His desire to cut even research funding might be the most baffling of his attempts to retreat from the modern world.


Basic research matters. We rightfully pay attention to the Fed's policy when it comes to setting interest rates because that can change investment and spending. The National Science Foundation doesn't just affect investment but actually is an investment in intellectual capital, which is the basis for new technologies, industries, companies, jobs, and wealth. Research takes longer to work than interest rates, but has a bigger effect. I would argue that a slowdown in research funding results in a slowdown in productivity and wage growth. But of course something with a 20-year lag struggles to get much attention in this world of 20-second attention spans.

The amount we fund the National Science Foundation seems paltry to me. Even at its peak, it never even hit even one-tenth of one percent of GDP and it has averaged 4/100th of one percent of GDP in its lifetime. It seems to me that we could hardly err by making it larger each year. Much larger. But alas, the man who looks at our economy and concludes that the rich are not rich enough and the poor are not poor enough has also decided that we know quite enough already. That hardly seems the case to me. 

29 March 2019

Age is Just a Number. Then Again, So Are the Votes You Need to Win

Our last four presidents were all baby boomers.

Clinton, Bush, and Trump were all born within a year of when Japan's surrender ended WWII. Fittingly, the impulsive Trump was born a mere 9.5 months after.

Obama gets lumped in with that generation by demographers but was born 16 years after WWII ended. Less boom than echo.

Clinton, Bush and Trump time traveled together, hitting all the major events at the same age.

It is not just that the 2020 candidates include what could be the first Jew, black, woman, black woman, or gay to be president. It also includes members of the silent generation, baby boomers, gen x, and a millennial. These candidates have hit major events at very different stages of life and would bring a very different perspective to them. Bernie Sanders was 4 when Japan surrendered and the horrors of World War II would have been relayed to him as fresh stories by family members when he was a little boy rather than as distant history as it would have been for Pete Buttigieg who will be younger when he's sworn in than Sanders was when Buttigieg was born.

Here is a way to think about the age of the candidates in terms of where they were when historic events happened. (And obviously for the candidates, the age when "sworn into office" assumes that they would actually win the 2020 election.)


Oh, and yes. I know that Ocasio-Cortez is too young but I thought it was interesting to put her there for comparison. And she's too young for 2020 but she'll be old enough by 4 months to run in 2024.

05 March 2019

Change in Deficits From Reagan to Trump

Here is a chart showing the change in deficit from the first year of a president's term to the first year of his successor's term, the difference between what he inherited and what he left. It covers a span of 36 years. A negative number means that the president made the deficit smaller and a positive number means that he made it larger.


Reagan inherited a deficit of $419 billion and left George H. Bush a deficit of $252 billion. The deficit was $167.2 billion smaller by the time George took office, hence the -$167.2 in the graph above for the first bar.

Bush 1 turned the $252 billion he inherited into a $365.8 billion legacy for Clinton, increasing the deficit by $113.8 B.

Clinton turned this deficit into a surplus for his successor, reducing the deficit by half a trillion.

George W. Bush turned that surplus into the biggest deficit in history, a swing of nearly $1.6 trillion.

Obama whittled down the $1.4 trillion deficit he inherited into a still sizable $590 billion.

Trump is projected to increase that $590 billion into nearly $849 billion this year.

3 of the last 4 Republican presidents have increased the size of the deficit and both Democratic presidents have reduced it, suggesting that if you actually care about deficit reduction, you would not vote for Republicans. You can hate big deficits or love Republicans but you can't honestly do both.

23 December 2017

Trying to Make Sense of Why Republicans Can't Make Sense of Deficits

It's not clear whether Republicans have given up on caring about the economy or if their ideology blinds them to what even sharp high school students can see. What I do know is that a horde of friends who - presumably fed by Fox news or other conservative news outlets - were loudly fretting about deficits during the recovery are now mum about the deficits that will follow from Trump's new tax cut.

One of the simplest things we know about economies is that when unemployment is high you should increase the size of deficits and when unemployment is low you should lower the size of deficits. This is so obvious that it hardly merits mention and yet Republicans seem to miss this point. I don't know if it is because of a paradigm filter, crass disregard for the larger economy, or simple opportunism that comes from disregarding any goals but tax cuts.

Deficits stimulate the economy. That said, there are deficits that are good stimulants and deficits that are poor. The best deficit comes from spending money on things like infrastructure that will leave an economy more able to grow. Ideally, a deficit stimulates the economy short term and lays the foundation for higher productivity in the future.  The worst deficit just adds more money to wealthy people who are unlikely to spend much of it. (If your net worth is $3 million and you get another $10,000 in tax cuts, you are less likely to spend any of that money than someone whose net worth is $10,000.) Good or bad, a deficit stimulates the economy, although to different degrees.

As trade makes up a bigger part of the economy, deficit spending it more likely to drive up asset prices like stocks and homes; rather than see a rise in the price of apples, you might see a rise in the price of Apple stock.

(Yes there are other factors. No I'm not going to cover those here.)

Why does this matter? Well, you can't just say that it is good or bad to increase the size of a deficit. If you suffer from high unemployment, increasing deficits is great; if you are enjoying low unemployment, increasing deficits is bad. Atop that, deficits that build the economy's capacity (borrowing to invest in building freeways or high speed rails or basic research or education initiatives) are better than deficits that just create a temporary blip in spending (e.g., tax cuts).

The year before George W. Bush took office, unemployment averaged 4%, its lowest since 1969. It seems safe to say that the economy was at full employment. What did George W. Bush do once he took office? He cut taxes to stimulate the economy. What happened? The price of homes - assets - and the mortgage back securities that financed their purchase went up. Spectacularly. This stimulus created a bubble and bubbles burst. The year before Bush took office unemployment averaged 4% and the year after he was in office it averaged 9.3%. Stimulating an already strong economy turned out to be disastrous.

The first year of Trump's presidency, unemployment will average 4.4%, its lowest since Clinton's last year in office. What does Trump do? He is cutting taxes to stimulate the economy. This could feed a bubble in asset prices ... a bubble that will pop more spectacularly than it otherwise would have. Stimulating a weak economy can create a strong one; stimulating a strong economy can create a bubble.

The Republicans who hollered about deficits during the Great Recession are now creating a deficit in a time of full employment.

It seems as though Republicans like deficits in good times and hate them in bad times.

The question is, why? This is not a difficult concept to grasp and yet Republicans refuse it.

I can only think of a few reasons.

One, they want tax cuts more than they want a healthy economy. They really do think it's possible to live like the rich in banana republics, comfortable even when the larger economy is bad, and as long as they get their tax cuts they don't really care about the larger economy.

Two, they don't believe that macroeconomic policy makes any difference, instead believing that individuals make all the difference. (It is true that individuals make a difference; some do well in bad economies and some do badly in good economies. It is not true that recessions hit because the percentage of lazy people in an economy suddenly doubles, because of changes in individual behavior. The strategies to get near the top of a group are different from the strategies to move a group's median income up.)

Three, they can't distinguish between individuals and a community when it comes to who should get a loan. It is true that you don't want to loan to a guy who is out of work and you'd be happy to loan to a guy with a great job. In that sense they are right that deficits are "safer" when the economy is good. But of course debt is very different for an economy than it is for an individual or household. Even a household engages in deficit spending when times are bad and pays down debt when times are good; if you are unemployed you borrow from your savings or friends; if you are fully employed you save. The banker may rather loan to the guy with a job but it is the guy who is temporarily out of work who most needs the loan. It may seem safe to create more debt in the economy when times are good but that stimulates spending that threatens to create bubbles.

What will be the result of the Trump tax cut? The economy will get worse. Not immediately. Immediately it will get better because the start of bubbles are the best part; it's the busting of bubbles that is miserable.

26 October 2017

A Much Bigger Story Than Benghazi or Niger

Focusing on individual events can distract us from the systems that make those events more probable.

In the 1980s, the Japanese were taking market share from American and European car makers. One study at the time found that German car makers were reaching the same level of quality as the Japanese but needed three times as many employees to do it. Some German car makers were employing as many people at the end of the line to fix cars as some Japanese car makers were to work the line. When Japanese workers encountered an error they had authority to shut down the whole line and initiate an investigation into why the error had occurred. Rather than just fix the error at the place, they might change the upstream flow of work to lower the probability that someone would make that error again. Japanese workers were regularly fixing the system while Germans were regularly fixing cars.

Which brings me, curiously enough, to stories about our military. Right now, media and politicians are focused on the story of how four soldiers were killed in Niger. This is very similar to the focus on the four dead in Benghazi in 2012 and this focus on individuals misses a more important story about policy, the system that makes these tragic events more or less probable.

First of all, let’s assume for a moment that anyone killed in service to our country deserves honor and their families deserve acknowledgement and gratitude. Let’s further assume that whether or not they died in an incident that got an enormous amount of coverage, their families are equally shattered by this loss. Whether they were the only one killed that year in service to their country or one of 2,000, the trauma and grief their families suffer is real and they deserve our support.

Stalin was quoted as saying, “One death is a tragedy and a million is a statistic.” Perhaps it is because we can’t comprehend 2,000 deaths as easily as we do 2, we are made numb by the bigger number and saddened by the smaller. The media is currently gripped by the story of Myeshia Johnson, the pregnant widow of La David Johnson who received a phone call in which Trump’s offer of comfort included the phrase, “He knew what he was signing up for …” Yet a much bigger story is playing out here that is obscured by the odd way the media fixates on a Benghazi or Niger but ignores the bigger story about how many widows and widowers are experiencing what Myeshia Johnson is.

If you appreciate the tragedy of Chris Stevens death (he was the ambassador killed in Benghazi) and the grief of Myeshia Johnson, you have to be humbled by the thought of losing more than a thousand soldiers a year. Between 1980 and 2010, an average of 1,575 American military were killed each year. Each year. During that time the lowest it ever dropped to was 796 (that was in 1999) and it rose as high as 2,465 (in 1983). In only six years during that 31-year stretch did the number killed drop below 1,000. (1996 to 2001.)

Each death involved a real person and deserved its own story but our policy made the number killed each year remarkably consistent. Policy was the bigger story than any one of those deaths because it was policy that made the number of those deaths so remarkably consistent for so long.

And then the most remarkable thing happened. The number killed steadily fell. In 2010 the number killed was 1,485. Then, in 2011 467 died. In 2012 it was 314, 2013 was 132, 2014 was 60, 2015 was 28 and then in 2016 it was 30.  30 is 2% of what it averaged from 1980 to 2010.

It’s not true that each of these numbers are mere statistics. We aren’t equipped to comprehend 1,575 grieving families and all their friends. We can scarcely comprehend one. But the limits of our empathy shouldn’t excuse the obvious: a year in which 2,465 of our military are killed is 82 times worse than a year in which 30 are killed.

Obama deserves criticism for reneging on his threat to intervene in Syria. His decision not to send in American troops may have resulted in more civilian deaths in the last few years. But Obama also deserves respect for his decision. For one thing, he couldn’t see the next move. Who takes power once Assad is out and how does that lower the number of casualties and refugees? (Not only did our invasion of Iraq result in somewhere between 100,000 and a million Iraqi deaths, it created millions of refugees. Attacking a country doesn’t guarantee a fall in casualties.) It is not clear whether his decision to keep troops out of Syria resulted in more Syrian deaths.



It is clear that during Obama’s last six years our American troops were safer. Only a fraction of the number who would have died with previous policies died during his last six years in office. This deserves more attention than it has received. Had our service people died at the same rate in Obama’s last six years as they had in the 31 years prior, 8,418 more of them would have been killed. 8,418 grieving families and their friends. 9 times more grief and tragedy than actually occurred. This is not just a statistic. It is not just a story. It is 8,418 life stories that get to be told in radically different ways. And it is not just their stories. It is the stories of their children who get to grow up with both parents. Or the story of the children who were born because a mother or father lived well past the date they would have if they had been deployed under the policies of a president more eager to put boots on the ground.

Progress doesn’t come from fixing each tragic event after it happens. Progress comes from making changes to the system, or in this case to the policies that determine how our troops are deployed.

Foreign policy that spares the lives of 8,418 soldiers may not seem as gripping as tragedies that take the lives of four but they matter more. If we’re going to be factual about it, they matter 2,000 times more. That, it seems to me, deserves at least as much attention as a tragedy in Benghazi or Niger.

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Data sources on military casualties are harder to find now. Sites that formerly posted data now yield up an error. Here are the places I went for data months ago and just this week. It would seem the Trump administration or someone in DoD wants to make these numbers less transparent.

https://www.dmdc.osd.mil/dcas/pages/report_by_year_manner.xhtml

https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Releases/Customrelcat/12003/?Page=3

https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/RL32492.pdf

https://www.defense.gov/casualty.pdf

02 June 2017

Job Growth During the Trump Administration and Beyond

In the last year, the number employed has gone up 1.8 million but the number in the labor force has gone up only 1.1 million. Because the number employed has gone up faster than the number in the labor force, the unemployment rate has dropped (from 4.7% to 4.3%).

Since 1983, the unemployment rate has been lower than its current 4.3% just 5% of the time - and all of that between 1999 and 2001. Outside of that period, it's never been lower than it is now.

So what does that mean when it comes to forecasting job growth? It means that at some point between now and the end of 2018, the unemployment rate will be as low as it can go. At that point the rate of job growth will be limited by the rate of labor force growth.

Labor force growth in the last year has been nearly 100,000 a month. (And shrank by more than 400,000 people in May as baby boomers retired and fewer Americans looked for work.)  During the recovery from 2011 to 2016, job growth averaged 203,000. That gap is not sustainable at full employment.

This makes a couple of things predictable for the Trump term.
1. Job growth in the first four years of Trump's administration will be about half what it was in the last four years of Obama's administration. (Closer to 100,000 jobs a month than 214,000).
2. We will have our first month of negative job growth within the next 18 months. (Simply put, given normal variation, a median value of 100k is far more vulnerable to slipping below zero than is a median value of 200k. For instance, in March the economy created only 50,000 jobs.)

There are other factors.

On a positive note, the labor force participation rate could rise, prolonging the time when job growth exceeds labor force growth.

On a negative note, Trump's policies will discourage immigration of all kinds. Tourism has already dropped. Universities are reporting fewer applicants from abroad. This sort of things takes time to show up in numbers but as foreigners are less willing to live in an xenophobic America, we lose twice. Once because those immigrants don't come here to join our workforce and a second time because as they choose to live and work in places like Eindhoven, Netherlands or Vancouver, British Columbia, they create more jobs in those communities rather than ours. An Iranian who works on robotic sensors will help to make a team successful in some other country and all of the jobs that ripple out from that effort - the project managers and administrators within his company or the restaurateur or furniture salesperson outside of his company -  will be in a different country as well.

Pew forecasts 18 million fewer potential workers without immigration. In such a scenario, the number employed would shrink for decades, shrinking the economy with it.

You might easily dismiss this prospect of a sharp decline in immigration as unthinkable. Of course just a year ago, the thought that Republicans would be arguing that we should ally with Russia rather than NATO would have been unthinkable, as would have cuts of 21% to National Health Institute (NIH) or slashing Medicare by half. Trump is disruptive and prides himself on that. It would be silly to bet on him reversing his position on immigration.

Three other huge variables are trade deals, climate change technology, and cuts to science funding. If Trump slaps tariffs onto trading partners and sets off a trade war, our economy will slump. If his policies continue to focus on protecting coal mining jobs that originated in 1740 rather than creating new technologies and jobs in alternative energy, our economy will fail to thrive. If he slashes funding for science and research (like his proposed 21% cut to NIH), he will undermine the creation of new products and technologies that would create jobs in two to twenty years.

Job growth will be less vibrant under Trump. (And to be fair, it would have been with anyone, from Sanders to Clinton to Bush to Trump.) If he gets his way with policy proposals on immigration, trade, and defunding the development of alternative energy and other technologies (new medicines that could have emerged from NIH research, for instance), we will be measuring the net loss of jobs each year, not their creation, tracking a steady decline of 100,000 jobs each month rather than bemoaning a gain of only 200,000 a month as anemic.

01 March 2017

Trump's Bold Solutions to Imaginary Problems: Address to Joint Session of Congress on the last day of February 2017

I did not see Trump's speech but read it. My initial reaction is that it was filled with about equal number of promises that are too general to ever be broken and promises to fix problems that don't exist. He made general promises more akin to "I'll be a great husband," rather than specific, measurable promises like, "I'll massage your back, do the laundry but not cook dinner." He is going to be a great president but we don't really know what he means by that. And he repeatedly framed improving situations as awful, promising to fix what hardly seems broken.

What Trump said ...
My commentary ...
A new chapter —
(APPLAUSE)
— of American greatness is now beginning. A new national pride is sweeping across our nation, and a new surge of optimism is placing impossible dreams firmly within our grasp. What we are witnessing today is the renewal of the American spirit. 
That's an interesting spin on lowest approval ratings ever for a president''s first month. Or maybe he meant to say that a new surge of optimism is the impossible dream when so many Americans disapprove of your performance.
Dying industries will come roaring back to life ... Our terrible drug epidemic will slow down and ultimately stop, and our neglected inner cities will see a rebirth of hope, safety, and opportunity.
Trump continues to play the role of economic savior, promising to bring back the dead or dying. There's a little problem with this plan: manufacturing as a percentage of the American workforce has been steadily falling since about 1930. It's not a product of NAFTA or China joining the global economy. It's a product of our industrial economy becoming an information economy and of manual work being steadily automated.  He's exaggerating inner cities' plight - rural America is shrinking faster than any downtown - but if he really wants to revive an area he won't do it with manufacturing and mining jobs.

Since my election, Ford, Fiat, Chrysler, General Motors, Sprint, Softbank, Lockheed, Wal Mart, and many others have announced they will invest billions and billions of dollars in the United States and will create tens of thousands of new American jobs.
For reference, each month the America economy creates (and destroys) millions of jobs. Millions. (The difference between the number created and the number destroyed gives the net number of jobs gained, which is typically between 100,000 to 300,000 during a healthy expansion, as we've had in the 6 years.) Making deals with companies that may add tens of thousands of new jobs is a rounding error in a typical month - much less in a 4 year term - in this delightfully dynamic economy. 
The stock market has gained almost $3 trillion in value since the election on November 8, a record.
This is great. It also has pushed P/E ratios to a heady level that suggests it'll be tough to continue at this pace for another four years. Even so, this rise is rational: with tax cuts and deregulation, short-term profits should go up. It will take longer to find out what sort of trade deals he'll make and what that will do to the economy.
We have begun to drain the swamp of government corruption
Trump continues to make personal deals with foreign countries. The most suspicious example of this was China granting him a coveted and long-denied trademark just days after his win. This trademark will be worth millions to Trump.
We want all Americans to succeed, but that can’t happen in an environment of lawless chaos.
Lawless chaos? Violent crime has been steadily dropping since about 1980. Illegal immigration has been steadily dropping since at least the Great Recession. Trump is determined to take drastic measures to solve two imaginary problems: lawless chaos and a surge in illegal immigration. It's like a the father of a teenager cracking down on bed wetting, a problem that had disappeared about ten years earlier. 

Not only has illegal immigration slowed in the last 8 years or so, immigrants are less likely to commit crimes than native born Americans, as can be see in this graph.


Tonight, as I outlined the next steps we must take as a country, we must honestly acknowledge the circumstances we inherited. 94 million Americans are out of the labor force.
The economy Trump inherited is in stark contrast to the one Obama inherited. 76 months in a row, the economy has created jobs; breaking the old record of 48 months by roughly 2.5 years. In the year before Obama took office, the economy lost 4.4 million jobs; in the year before Trump took office, it created 2.2 million jobs. Put differently, the economy created 6.6 million more jobs in the year before Trump took office than it did in the year before Obama did. So how can Trump make it sound like he's inherited economic carnage? 

This 94 million out of the labor force number is one of the weirdest that Trump has cited. How does he arrive at this number he's repeatedly mentioned? He uses the labor force participation rate. This is a measure of folks not working or looking for work who are over the age of 16. If you are a 28 year old house husband or retired at the age of 71 or a 19 year old at university, you are counted as a non-participant. My 81 year old, retired mother is part of this 94 million. If you are over 16 and are not working or looking for a job, you are part of Trump's 94 million.  
We have measures of the labor force participation rate that date back to January of 1948. That year, life expectancy for men was 64.6. Today life expectancy is 76.2. The percentage of people who are retired now is higher than it has ever been - in part because people are living longer and in part because people are so much more affluent than they were in 1948. This alone would drive down labor force participation rates. But to offset that, women have joined the workforce in larger numbers.  These are just two of the demographic changes over time that have shaped this number since 1948. What is the net effect of these and other factors? 
Between 1948 and 2017, labor force participation rate has averaged 62.9%. What is it as of January 2017? 62.9%. Since 1948, the rate has ranged from 58.1% to 67.3% but the labor force participation rate for our most recent month is exactly what it has averaged since we began measuring it. To say that it's a problem now is to say that it has been a problem since just after World War II. Funny that no one has mentioned it before Trump, much less used it as proof that they'd inherited an economy in terrible shape because by that measure, every president has inherited an economic mess.
When Trump says that 94 million Americans are out of the labor force, he's decrying the fact that young mothers, old retirees, the idle rich, the handicapped and others have chosen not to work- in roughly the same proportion as they have since the end of World War II nearly 70 years ago. But how else to make an unemployment rate of 4.7% (a rate one standard deviation below average) sound bad? To say that he's inherited an awful economy is like saying that nobody since Reagan won by a wider margin of electoral college victory; it's wrong unless you discount all the other data points.
Summary
Trump's speech promised bold solutions to the imaginary problems of labor force participation rates, illegal immigration rates, violent crime and a loss of manufacturing jobs. Labor force participation rates are exactly at their historic average, and violent crime and illegal immigration have been steadily trending downwards for decades. A dwindling number of manufacturing jobs is a sign of progress in the same way that a dwindling number of farming jobs was. During the 1800s the American economy transitioned from an agricultural to industrial economy; during the 1900s, it transitioned from an industrial economy to an information economy.  These two transitions have meant a dwindling percentage of the workforce has been needed for farming and manufacturing. It's not a sign of economic apocalypse that we no longer have 90% of the labor force farming; it's a sign of progress.
Trump has consistently shown a disinterest in facts but even when he does pay attention to a current number he fails to put that within larger trends. It's tough to understand what should happen when you don't even understand what has happened. Trump's grasp on the situation is about as tenuous as his grasp on the facts.

---------------
This from CBS news on the 94 million not in the labor force.
https://twitter.com/CBSEveningNews/status/837085323679105028
14.6 million are students, 43.7 million are retired, and 28.4 million are disabled or out of work for family reasons (looking after a family member like a child or elderly parent).

15 December 2016

Key Statistics From Obama's Final 2017 Economic Report

The president's economic advisers released their annual report - the 2017 Economic Report of the President - today, 15 December. You can find it here but you might not have time to read through all 599 pages of Barack Obama and Jason Furman's report, so here are some highlights.


Jobs, Unemployment, Wages


Economy has added 14.8 million jobs over 74 months, the longest streak on record.
  • Since June 2009, when Chrysler and General Motors (GM) emerged from bankruptcy, the automobile industry (manufacturing and retail) has added nearly 700,000 jobs, the industry’s strongest growth on record.
  • The unemployment rate has been cut by more than half to 4.6 percent as of November 2016, below its pre-recession average


    Wages for production workers grew faster since 2012 then they did from 1980 to 2007


  • In 2015, median household income rose at the fastest rate on record, with the typical family earning an additional $2,800.
  • Since the end of 2012 private production and nonsupervisory workers, who comprise about 80 percent of private-sector employment, have seen their real hourly earnings increase by 5.3 percent, more than the total cumulative real wage gains for these workers from 1980 to 2007
  • Real wage growth has been faster in the current business cycle than in any since the early 1970s.
  • Real median household income increased 5.2 percent in 2015, the fastest growth on record. 
  • Households at all income percentiles reported by the Census Bureau saw real gains in income, with the largest gains among households at the bottom of the income distribution.
  • The poverty rate fell by more than any year since 1968

Healthcare

     As of 2016, the uninsured rate stands at its lowest level ever.

  •      The uninsured rate among children has fallen by almost half since Obama took office
  •      20 million more adults have health insurance
  •      So do 3 million more children
The growth in healthcare costs has dropped since ACA




Since the ACA was signed into law in 2010, health care prices have risen at the slowest pace in 50 years.
  • The average costs for a family with employer-based coverage in 2016 were $4,400 below where they would have been had costs grown at their pace over the decade before the ACA became law

Wealth & Budgets

The 2016 deficit was 3.2 percent of GDP, about a third of the 9.8 percent of GDP deficit recorded in 2009 and equal to the average over the last 40 years
Per capita GDP growth higher in US than Japan or Euro Area



The economy is now 11.5% larger than at its pre-Recession peak

Real household net worth exceeds its pre-recession peak by 16 percent


Energy

     Since 2008, the United States has tripled the amount of energy harnessed from wind and has increased solar generation thirtyfold.

     Today, the United States is less reliant on foreign oil than it has been in nearly three decades.


Innovation

     The America Invents Act (AIA) of 2011 led to a 20% reduction in patent wait times, supporting a 30% increase in patents granted


20 November 2014

Obama's Big Miss on Immigration Today

Obama missed a huge opportunity today. We may have 10 million illegal immigrants. Let's assume that half of them have jobs. Just think of what an incredible jobs program he could have launched.

One, he could have announced the forced deportation of all illegals. That would require hundreds of thousands of people searching records and houses to find them. It would require hundreds of thousands of swat team members to raid homes and work places to seize and deport these people, thousands more to drive them south. (All of them should be driven south. Even the Canadians and Germans who are here illegally. Let them sort out their troubles with AeroMexico.) That alone could create jobs for a million Americans over the course of 12 to 36 months.

Two, once the 10 million illegal aliens were deported, we'd have 5 million jobs to fill. (Well, maybe not a full 5 million. We would have - of course - lost 10 million consumers, so demand might dip a bit.) Those young men and women in swat gear who rounded up the illegal aliens could then take those jobs, picking fruit, changing sheets, and cooking meals.

If only Obama were more visionary, more committed to creating jobs. 

04 September 2014

Count the Cost Twice, Cut the Check Once: Foreign Policy in a World of Endless Problems

Frank Bruni has criticized President Obama for his "Messy Words." Obama recently said that "If you watch the nightly news it feels as though the world is falling apart," and then went on to say, "The world has always been messy," seemingly dismissing today's outrages with a nonchalance that offends Bruni. Bruni knows how horrific conditions are (he's one of our best, most conscientious reporters) and he wants something done.

McCain would like us to bomb all the bad guys. Bruni would like us to save all the innocents. Emotionally, I think they have the high ground. Practically, I think these responses drive us to at least two things: it gets us started on projects we've no hope of completing and it promises us an endless source of outrage and upset.

Woody Allen once quipped, "I can't enjoy a meal as long as I know someone, somewhere is starving."

There are a variety of topics that lend themselves to outrage. Right now. South Sudan is still a failed nation-state. It seems to me that there is no worse curse for people then to find themselves in such a state: institutions collapsed, crime rampant, hardly allowance for the basic needs much less ability to create jobs or hope. Gaza. Still. Ebola is spreading. In Libya and Syria innocent people are being slaughtered. Iraq is devolving into a mess. Putin seems to be toying with the idea of rebuilding the Soviet Union. And of course there are still plenty of obnoxious - even criminal - examples of sexism and racism in this country.

And I'm old enough to know something about this list. It changes but it never ends. You could maybe start all the projects suggested by such a list but you can pretty much guarantee that you won't finish them. Not during any one term, anyway.

I'm glad that we have people like Bruni to remind us that these sources of outrage and tragedy involve real people who we should really care about. I'm even glad for McCain's frequent reminders that we might bring justice to the bad guys. We do have a moral obligation to help. But quite honestly, I'm even more glad that we have a president so different in character from George W. Bush.

I like a little hesitancy and thought as prelude to projects as messy and uncertain as intervention in a foreign country. Whether it's marriage, having a child or intervening in a foreign country, it seems wise to hesitate before starting a project that might never end.

23 August 2014

Dow Tops 17,000. Are Stock Market Returns Steadily Improving?

The Dow closed above 17,000 for the week. In the 1999 bull market, it peaked at about 11,500 and in the pre-Great Recession market of 2007, it peaked at nearly 14,000. It is at a new high. I may have to re-think taking advice from the Tea Party. If they are right that he's a socialist, it is terribly confusing that capital markets have performed so well during Obama's administration.

Here's an interesting list ranking stock market performance during a president (using the closing number as the end of the year they left office - typically 9 to 11 months after their successor is sworn in).


Dow Jones, Avg. Annual Returns



Calvin Coolidge (R) 32%
William Clinton  (D) 26%
Ronald Reagan (R) 24%
Dwight Eisenhower  (R) 19%
George H. Bush  (R) 17%
Franklin Roosevelt  (D) 15%
Warren Harding  (R) 13%
Harry Truman  (D) 10%
John Kennedy  (D) 8%
Gerald Ford  (R) 4%
Lyndon Johnson  (D) 3%
Teddy Roosevelt  (R) 1%
George W. Bush  (R) 0%
William Taft  (R) 0%
Woodrow Wilson  (D) -1%
James Carter  (D) -2%
Richard Nixon  (R) -6%
Herbert Hoover  (R) -17%

During Obama's administration the market is up an average of 21% per year, which would put him between those other socialists, Reagan and Eisenhower. It would also mean that 4 of the last 5 presidents are among the top 6 administrations in terms of stock market performance. That suggests that market returns have been going up in the last 30-some years.

This chart, however, suggests that it is less a matter of positive years getting better than it is negative years becoming less severe. Perhaps this has nothing to do with presidential policy but instead reflects the fact that the Federal Reserve is getting better at mitigating risk in the market. Market contractions are becoming shorter in duration and less severe. That's enough to help anyone's performance.




20 June 2014

Economic Panacea: Start with US Private Sector and UK Public Sector Policies to Promote Entrepreneurship

The International Monetary Fund and Federal Reserve have both made downward revisions to economic forecasts this week. The IMF doesn’t think the US will reach full employment until 2017.[1] If that’s right, it will mean that full recovery took nearly a decade.

It doesn’t have to be that slow.

A couple of years ago, the IMF warned the UK against austerity measures, predicting that the UK’s economy would grow by only 0.7% in 2013. Instead, actual growth came in at 1.7% and is, this year, predicted to hit 2.7%.[2]

So why, even as it was raising taxes and cutting spending, did the UK pull out of a double dip recession? Contemporary economic thought would predict what the IMF did: that sort of policy will drag GDP growth down.

Well contemporary, proven economics suggests that the best way to stimulate an economy in – or recovering from – recession is through a combination of fiscal and monetary policy. Cut taxes. Increase government spending. Lower interest rates. Have the central bank buy back bonds, putting more cash into the economy. And for the most part, the short-term evidence is pretty clear that this helps to stimulate an economy. To a degree.

Banks with more money might simply add to their reserves. Households with more cash from tax cuts might just pay down debt. Corporations with more money might just sit on it. And in fact, in the US these very things happened. Corporate cash and equivalents rose to nearly $5 trillion by the end of 2011[3]. $5 trillion. As of June 11, 2014, excess reserves at American banks was $2.6 trillion,[4] going up roughly $2 trillion since early 2009. And households were paying down debt, reducing their debt service to the lowest it’s been since the Fed began keeping track in 1980. [5] Economists use the image of pushing a string to illustrate the challenge of translating credit into spending. And of course if spending doesn’t go up, it’s hard to create new jobs.

The UK did something else. Or more precisely, something more.

It’s not that the British don’t understand the importance of credit and monetary policy. This is the country that gave the world the model for central banking. John Kenneth Galbraith said of the Bank of England that it is in all respects to money what St. Peter’s is to the Faith. The Bank of England was founded about a century before the Bank of France and about two centuries before the US Federal Reserve. The first to rely on monetary policy, the British may have become the first to realize that there are more direct ways to go after job creation, that while monetary policy matters it is not enough. Pioneers in patent law, central banking and the modern corporation, the British may once again be ahead of us in economic policy.

You can make credit easier, hoping that households and businesses will spend more, thus creating jobs. Or you can fund startups directly, cutting out the uncertainty and the middlemen. Rather than push the string you can pull it. This is what the UK appears to have done as they confounded the able economists at the IMF. It is what the US could do as well to beat forecasts.

Measured by startup activity, the US at the end of 2012 was still below its 2007 level. By contrast, the UK was up 29%.[6] Even during its second dip, its second descent into recession, the UK’s startup activity rose from 117% to 126% of its 2007 level. During that same time the US – even as it avoided a second dip – nonetheless had a drop from 98% to 95% of its 2007 level.

Even during the recession, the US media and pundits seemed critical of funding for startups or expansion. By contrast, by the end of 2013 the UK had help to fund 10,000 startups.[7] This in just its first 18 months of their startup program. The plan is to help fund 30,000 startups. The same ratio of startups in proportion to the US population would be a plan for 150,000 startups. If we had the same program, we’d have helped fund 50,000 startups through the end of 2013. This sort of stimulus would inescapably create jobs and increase spending. It could confound expert forecasts for economic growth.

Opponents of government funding for startups say that the government shouldn’t pick winners or losers. Well, it’s too late to avoid that. The government chooses which kids go to university and which kids go to jail. The government chooses which defense contractors become huge and which go out of business, which businesses get subsidies and which pay taxes. Governments inescapably choose winners and losers. But in the process of choosing which firms to help fund, they can directly create jobs and even industries.

Funding startups is just one tool that could be used for creating more entrepreneurs. There is good reason to believe that the limit to progress has shifted from a shortage of capital – the limit during the Industrial Economy – or shortage of knowledge workers – the limit during the Information Economy – to a shortage of entrepreneurs. If so, the economic lead will go to the communities that do the most to popularize entrepreneurship, making it more common. Last century in the West, economies popularized knowledge work, moving from an Industrial Economy based on child labor in 1900 to an Information Economy based on adult education by 2000. Something similar could happen in this century with entrepreneurship, but it will take a combination of private and public sector initiatives.

The private sector in the US is doing a remarkable job of popularizing entrepreneurship. An average of 325 crowdfunding campaigns start daily.[8] And that rate is doubling every couple of months. Few people realize that to create a net of 200,000 new jobs in a month, the American economy has to create about 4.7 million jobs given the gales of creative destruction are destroying 4.5 million jobs a month. Just as the capital of the Industrial Revolution freed up people from manual work, enabling – and requiring – them to take on knowledge work, the algorithms and software of the Information Economy have enabled (and yes, is increasingly requiring) modern workers to take on more entrepreneurial roles. Work has to change to keep pace. As the pace and scope of automation increases, so must the innovation that creates new products, new companies, and new industries that provide jobs even as automation destroys them. The American private sector – from venture capitalists to kickstarter – are helping to popularize entrepreneurship. Progress in the public sector seems less obvious.

This week the Obama administration has a week-long focus on innovation. Uber has recently made news for sparking riots in Europe. Uber uses information technology to match people with cars to people who need rides. Uber doesn’t need to buy cars, just offer a fee to drivers with cars. Taxi drivers are losing market share to Uber and are protesting. Airbnb does something similar, matching folks with a spare bedroom and folks who need a place to sleep. These businesses don’t require more investment. They use the spare capacity of existing investments. Obama is doing something similar to Uber and Airbnb, opening up federal facilities to entrepreneurs.[9] NASA wind tunnels and supercomputers are among the assets that could be used by folks who could never afford to make such huge investments but could benefit from their use. This could help to stimulate new businesses and products and – given it requires no new funding - is a fairly ingenious way to work around an obstructionist congress

This is nice but it isn’t much.

It is tempting to believe that de-regulation is one way to stimulate entrepreneurial activity. And it’s likely true that – all else being equal – a community that puts up fewer obstacles to starting a business will have more startup activity. But one study of 150 successful entrepreneurs within the US revealed that regulatory environment was mentioned as a factor by only 2%.[10] More important was access to a talented workforce and customers and a community they thought offered a high quality of life, typically measured by natural and cultural attractions. (And quality of life didn’t just make a place desirable for the entrepreneurs: it helped to attract and keep the talented workforce they seek.) San Francisco and New York are two metropolitan areas that are not only expensive but challenge entrepreneurs with expensive permits and require payments to dozens of tax authorities. By one measure, San Francisco’s regulatory environment is twice as onerous as Dallas. And yet, of course, San Francisco’s entrepreneurial activity is booming. And New York is second only to San Francisco in startup activity.

California’s Bay Area is not only number one in the US in terms of startups but it is increasing pay at a time when pay across most of the US is stagnant. In San Mateo County (located at the heart of startup activity between San Francisco and Palo Alto) employees not only saw their salaries go up by more than 10% between September of 2012 and September 2013 but within the IT sector, salaries went up over 100%. When Henry Ford doubled wages to $5 a day in 1913, it rightfully got a huge amount of press; by contrast, this doubling of wages a century later went oddly un-reported.

During the Industrial Economy, employees made products. During the Information Economy they designed them. Now, in Silicon Valley at the dawn of the Entrepreneurial Economy, employees are making equity. For a long time, New York had the highest wages in the country because of Wall St. Now, employees in high-tech – and venture capitalists on Sand Hill Road – have shifted coasts for highest salaries. 3 of the top 4 top-paying counties in the US are in California’s Bay Area.[11] While New York County’s average weekly pay is double the national average, in San Mateo County it is nearly triple (2.7X) the average.

There is another element as well. Invention depends on a disdain for tradition and respect for what works for the individual. Places like Santa Cruz, San Francisco, Austin, Texas and Boulder, Colorado lead the nation in patents per capita and in startups. These are places with a liberal bent and a high degree of tolerance for what we might call non-conformists. It's not just entrepreneurs and programmers who are happy here but hippies, communists and transgenders. This suggests that a community embraces innovation as package – whether it come in the form of same-sex marriage or an app. Entrepreneurship is a form of social invention and social conservatives who prefer the status quo aren’t comfortable with innovations that disrupt the norms they’ve known all their life, whether those norms define the role of women or how someone sends a letter.

In any case, de-regulation doesn’t seem like policy enough. It certainly isn’t what is driving up wages and startup activity in California’s Bay Area.

From The Fourth Economy: Inventing Western Civilization
Market Economy
Limit to Progress
Period
First, Agricultural
Land, natural resources
1300 ~ 1700
Second, Industrial
Capital, Financial and Industrial
1700 ~ 1900
Third, Information
Labor, knowledge workers
1900 ~ 2000
Fourth, Entrepreneurial
Entrepreneurship
2000 ~

It’s possible that a new, entrepreneurial economy is emerging, a new economy limited by entrepreneurship in the same way that the Industrial Economy was limited by capital. This new economy will be led by communities most intent on popularizing entrepreneurship, just as the Information Economy of the last century was led by communities most successful at popularizing knowledge work. Popularizing knowledge work took a mix of public and private sector policies and initiatives. The iniatives included social inventions (e.g., modern universities and corporations) and technological inventions (e.g., Information Technology from telegraphs to the Internet) that helped to create knowledge workers and make them more productive. The popularization of entrepreneurship will require a similar mix.

Judging from regions like Silicon Valley, the US seems to lead the world in terms of private initiatives to popularize entrepreneurship. But judging from stimulus policies like funding startups, the UK may well lead in terms of public policy. It would be nice to get a blend of the two.

In any case, the attention paid to entrepreneurship is miniscule in comparison to that paid to the more traditional tools of fiscal and monetary policy. Google’s Ngram’s demonstrate how little mention it gets.

In this first graph, two of the most frequently mentioned policies related to entrepreneurship are graphed since 1900. The great news is that there has been a sharp upturn in mention of “promoting entrepreneurship,” and “entrepreneurial education” in books in just the last few decades.




But to put things in perspective, here is a graph showing those same terms compared with mention of monetary and fiscal policy. As you can see, entrepreneurship barely registers.



Unsurprisingly, in Obama's most recent annual report, entrepreneur (or entrepreneurs or entrepreneurship) is mentioned only 6 times in 410 pages. One party largely ignores entrepreneurship. The other thinks the simple solution to more entrepreneurship is less regulation. In a country defined by polarized politics there seems to be one thing the two parties have in common: both seem to believe that benign neglect is the route to entrepreneurial success.

If entrepreneurship now limits progress just as capital did during the Industrial Economy, it only makes sense that communities at every level – from cities and small businesses to nations and corporations – and in every sector – from private to public and non-profit – embrace every experiment that promises to create more entrepreneurs and make employees more entrepreneurial. It might be time for us to watch entrepreneurial activity as closely as we watch the monthly jobs reports and quarterly GDP growth. Because now, more than ever, jobs and GDP are going to be the products of entrepreneurial activity. It’s not enough to hope that entrepreneurs will show up. We need to become as intentional about creating them as we did knowledge workers last century. And once we define the problem of economic growth that way, we’ll find a thousand ways to solve it and to make progress – just as we did during the earlier industrial and information economies.






[1] http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/sns-rt-us-imf-usa-20140616,0,6883507.story
[2] http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/10884632/Do-I-have-to-go-on-my-knees-grovelling-apology-from-IMF-head-for-incorrect-warnings-on-UK-economy.html
[3] https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/re/articles/?id=2314
[4] http://www.federalreserve.gov/releases/h3/current/
[5] http://rwrld.blogspot.com/2014/05/spending-is-up-but-debt-is-down-this.html
[6] http://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=TIMELY_BDS_ISIC4#
[7] http://startups.co.uk/start-up-loans-backs-10000th-small-business/
[8] http://www.entrepreneur.com/article/234426
[9] http://www.post-gazette.com/local/city/2014/06/17/Obama-to-tout-entrepreneurship-during-Pittsburgh-visit-today-1/stories/201406170142
[10] http://blogs.hbr.org/2014/06/deregulation-wont-improve-entrepreneurship/
[11] http://www.bls.gov/news.release/cewqtr.nr0.htm