Showing posts with label thomas jefferson. Show all posts
Showing posts with label thomas jefferson. Show all posts

07 March 2018

In Defense of Thomas Jefferson

Thomas Jefferson was brilliant and visionary, a man who did as much as anyone to institutionalize the potential of the Enlightenment. Without him it's not clear that our Declaration of Independence, constitution or even Bill of Rights would be the remarkably durable and influential documents they are. He has also lost standing as one of our great presidents because he owned slaves and had a relationship with one.

In the Jefferson Memorial
John Davison Rockefeller became the world's first billionaire in 1916. In today's dollars that would be worth $30 billion and his assets when he died would have been worth 1.5% of GDP, equivalent to about $300 billion today. Why mention this? Because today there are more than 1,500 billionaires on the planet and if we were to simply compare Rockefeller to billionaires, it would fail to really capture who he was. We understand that we need to adjust and that while any adjustments to his wealth a century ago are bound to include some measure of controversy, it is not controversial to suggest that an adjustment be made. Even more important than his money, if we brought him into today's world we'd laugh at the quality of his car, the fact that he didn't own a private jet or TV or any antibiotics. His time was very different and the way to measure his economic or business impact is by measuring how he changed business, how he compared to his peers, and how much wealth he created - not by comparing him to today's wealthy.

We don't measure Jefferson by whether he owned slaves. We measure his greatness by how much he changed the world and how that change has rippled into future generations. Before Jefferson, aristocracy and power was something inherited; after Jefferson "all men were created equal." It's true that he apparently didn't stop to think that not only could a land surveyor like Washington be equal to a king like George but that a black person could his equal just much as a white person. It is also true that as future generations tried to honor the spirit of "all men are created equal" it helped to fuel racial equality. His vision of democracy helped to change hundreds of countries and democracies almost invariably result in the creation of wealth and longer lives, enabling people more freedom to think, live according to their conscience, and choose a life of their own making. We measure Jefferson's life by how many lives are better because of what he wrote and created, not by the fact that he fails to measure up to all our modern day standards.

You don't need many people as impactful as Jefferson. The measure of how great a person is is not whether they had as nice a car in 1800 as everyone seems to have today or whether they were as "woke" about racial or feminists issues as many are today. The measure of how great a person is how much they were able to move the people of their time forward.

We are not better people than Jefferson because we don't own slaves. That's like thinking we're richer than Rockefeller because we have access to antibiotics or smart phones. The equivalent of Jefferson today would be the person able to end childhood poverty, making sure that every child had a safe place to sleep each night and there would be no difference in the quality of educational opportunities because of the difference in parents' income. The equivalent of Jefferson today would be someone who restructured democratic procedures and institutions so that people felt as delighted by their government as they are by their favorite restaurant. You aren't better than Jefferson unless you move the world forward as much as he did and I rather doubt that anyone reading this silly blog post is that person. But if you are, congratulations and let me tell you something I have never been able to tell Jefferson: thank you for making this a better world and while I'm not thrilled about whatever obvious flaws you have (perhaps you eat meat from factory animals or spend $200 on shoes, $200 you could send to refugee children or ... well who knows what all), I'm game to overlook them in you even if my great grandchildren (rightfully, I think) don't overlook those flaws in your great grandchildren. Progress means that we're appalled at how past generations lived and thought. Someday progress may even mean that how we live and think isn't largely defined by our own times (although my imagination fails me in understanding how that might be possible).

The measure of progress is not where we are but how far we have come. The measure of greatness is not how we compare to the standards of people living two centuries after us but instead how much we changed the standards from when we were born. By that measure, it's not clear to me that we have anyone today who can compare to Jefferson.

05 March 2017

The Fourth Economy & the Popularization of Entrepreneurship (or how work evolves from farming to entrepreneurship)


Graphic created by Jacob Morch jacobmorch.com

The definition of work changes as economies evolve. The grandchildren of farmers became factory workers and the grandchildren of factory workers became knowledge workers.  There’s good reason to believe that the definition of employee will change again, this time into something like entrepreneurship.

Thomas Jefferson imagined the United States as a country of educated, gentleman farmers. Even when he became president in 1801, though, the percentage of Americans farming had begun its steady decline. Now, each month economists await the announcement of nonfarm payroll employment. Today farm jobs are not even included in the country’s defining measure of jobs lost and gained.



Alexander Hamilton’s vision of an industrialized nation turned out to be more prescient but in recent decades, manufacturing’s share of the work force has also been in steady decline. Next century, economists may await the nonmanufacturing payroll employment report.


  
Millions voted for Trump and his promise to bring back manufacturing jobs. As promises go, it seems more akin to a 1916 campaign promise to bring back farming jobs than an adaptation to new realities. Yet acknowledging that farming and manufacturing are unlikely to reverse their decline leaves us with the question about the source of next generation jobs.
------------
The economy has shifted but policy has not. Until economic policy begins to address the new limit, it will continue to be ineffective.

Over the last 40 or 50 years the per capita GDP growth rate has fallen. The fallout is not just economic. It has made voters less trusting of major institutions and expressed itself in surprising victories for BREXIT and Trump. Most people now feel that “the system is broken, unfair, and failing them.”[1]


Meanwhile, one place that has done remarkably well in the last half century is Silicon Valley, a place that more than any other has become synonymous with entrepreneurship.

About a century ago, Henry Ford made business history by doubling the wages of his factory workers. Doubling. Not only was he making cars more affordable, he was paying working class people enough to buy them.

In 2016, median wages in the US were about $51,000 a year. Like Ford, Silicon Valley has doubled that. In Santa Clara County – one reasonable approximation of Silicon Valley – average wages were $117k, or 118% higher than the national average.



It’s possible that Silicon Valley is an anomaly, a place that other communities can only envy but never emulate. A more interesting possibility is that Silicon Valley is to a new entrepreneurial economy what Manchester, England of the 1700s was to a new industrial economy: just the first place to enter a new economy whose practices will eventually spread around the world.

Four Economies and Four Limits
Agricultural economies give way to industrial economies, which give way to information economies. Most people share that intuition but their understanding of what these labels mean and how to distinguish between them is fuzzy. Even industrial economies have farms and information economies have factories. It takes a little explanation, but limits can clarify the distinction between different economies and predict a fourth, entrepreneurial economy.

Economy
Period in West
1st, Agricultural
1300 to 1700
2nd, Industrial
1700 to 1900
3rd, Information
1900 to 2000
4th, Entrepreneurial
2000 to ~

Before talking about economies, imagine a factory with four stages. It gets raw materials in on one end and sends product out the other. The materials that become a finished product must pass through all four stages before they’re sold.


The numbers and height of the bar indicate how many products a stage can process in an hour. The first stage can process only 1, the second can process 2 and the fourth and final stage has the capacity to process 4 products an hour.
The customers don’t buy the unfinished product from any intermediate phase, though. They only buy product that comes out of the whole factory, product that has passed through all four phases. The question is, what is the capacity of this whole factory? How many products can it produce per hour?



The answer is 1 per hour. Your factory’s capacity is equal to the capacity of your first stage. You could call that a bottleneck, a constraint or limit. Whatever you call it, this limit defines the capacity for your whole factory. If it can only feed the next stage 1 item per hour, it doesn’t matter that the second stage has the capacity to process 2 items per hour because it won’t get product fast enough to process that many.

Until you increase the capacity of the first stage, you will not increase the capacity of your factory. So, you experiment. Maybe you speed up the process, simplify the process or just buy a second machine for that first stage. However you do it, you eventually double the capacity of this first stage to get a picture like this:


The good news is that by doubling the capacity of the first stage you have just doubled output for the whole factory. Armed with the knowledge that focusing on the first stage makes all the difference, you continue to experiment and invest in improving that first stage until you find a way to double its capacity again.


This time, though, doubling the capacity of your first stage does not change your factory output. Why? You were so successful at improving the first stage that it is no longer the limit to your factory. Your limit has shifted elsewhere.

Two lessons from your factory could apply to any system.[2]
  •        To improve the system, you have to focus on the limit, and
  •        Success eventually shifts the limit.


So, what limits an economy? In every introductory economics course, students learn that there are just four factors of production: land, capital, labor, and entrepreneurship. Anything of value created by an economy depends on some mix of these four factors and one of those would have to be the limit at any given stage of economic development. Land includes all natural resources, from herring to oil, acreage and cotton. Capital includes the financial and industrial tools that transform those natural resources into finished products, the factories that can turn cotton into clothing and the stocks or bonds that finance the machines and factories. After the industrial revolution, the labor of knowledge workers – people like accountants, engineers and advertisers – who manipulate the symbols of things rather than actual things was the most defining labor. Finally, entrepreneurship brings together land, capital and labor into a profitable enterprise.

The four phases of a factory can become four factors of production in an economy and we can examine limits to an economy in the same way that we examined limits to the factory. The output of an economy can be measured by things like jobs or wealth, income or GDP.


Different limits create different economies
Agricultural economies are limited by land. Wealth between 1300 and 1700 didn’t result from advances in information technology (not that the Gutenberg Press wasn’t disruptive) but instead came from trade, conquest, and colonization with faraway lands and creating nation-states and private property in your own land.

An industrial economy is limited by capital. Between 1700 and 1900, the creation of wealth was less about exploration, conquest and colonization than it was about building the factories that could turn raw materials into finished goods and then build out canals and railroads to distribute those goods. Wool and cotton became fashion. Iron ore became railroads. Skyscrapers rose in cities and cars emerged to drive between them.

An information economy is limited by knowledge workers. Between 1900 and 2000, it wasn’t enough to have factories that could make more products than anyone had ever seen before. They had to be the right products (which required marketing and design expertise) made for and sent to the right places (which took manufacturing and distribution knowledge) by the right methods (which took advertising and retail display experts.)

An information economy emerges after an industrial economy. Before the automation of the industrial economy, you need workers to manipulate actual things, afterwards, machines can do that and  labor can shift its focus to manipulating symbols. The sequence from agricultural to industrial to information economies is not just an historical sequence, it’s a logical one.

Economy
Limit
Period in West
1st, Agricultural
Land
1300 to 1700
2nd, Industrial
Capital
1700 to 1900
3rd, Information
Knowledge Workers
1900 to 2000
4th, Entrepreneurial
Entrepreneurship
2000 to ~

Economies are complicated and progress is slow so it makes sense that as communities gradually overcome limits they’ll cling to the processes that once made them great. Like the factory manager who keeps doubling the capacity of his first process step to no avail, communities can continue to create foreign colonies, spending huge sums on a global empire even after they’ve entered an industrial economy. Or more recently, they might pump money into their economy or create graduates past the point that capital or knowledge workers actually limit the rise in per capita GDP. It is almost inevitable that communities will continue to do what they’re now good at even after reaching a point of diminishing benefit. Cultures last longer than cost-benefit analysis and new practices become old habits.

An additional complication is that there are always pockets within a larger community that face earlier limits, and those limits define local culture and politics. When natural resources are the basis for wealth in a region, for instance, it will be more religious and more inclined towards policies like a strong military that support the notion of a zero-sum economy. It’s not the ingenuity of people that creates an oil field but is instead just a gift of God or nature. And that oil field doesn’t get larger because we decided to share it. Either I own it or you do, and rather than win-win we’re going to have a winner and a loser in this exchange. There will always be regions that lead or lag in development and thus will lead or lag in the reality they experience and that informs their convictions. It’s not just that a person living in rural Kentucky has a different political philosophy than her peer in Cambridge, MA; the daily reality that informs her perspective is different.
One other way to understand a limit is to look at its price. Scarce factors are expensive and abundant factors are cheap.

The success of the second economy made capital abundant. Traditional bankers who emerged from the second economy (many of our current banking practices were defined in England by 1900) carefully loaned out money, trying to minimize the risk of losing capital. Venture capitalists, by contrast, treat capital as abundant and fully expect to lose quite a few investments. Given they’re taking equity in a new firm rather than hoping to get back capital with interest, they know that only a fraction of their investments need to succeed in order for them to get great returns. Traditional banking evolved when capital was scarce: venture capitalists evolved when capital was abundant.
What is scarce now? Entrepreneurship and we can see that in its price. At 31, Bill Gates became the richest self-made billionaire in history. A generation later, Mark Zuckerberg became a billionaire at 24. The price of capital is the interest rate and towards the end of last year, investors owned about $12 trillion in negative interest rate bonds. Trillion. We have a glut of capital and a shortage of entrepreneurs, which suggests that effective policy would focus on increasing the supply of entrepreneurs rather than the supply of capital. Between 1700 and 1900, we learned how to increase the supply of capital through a variety of means, from popularizing savings and investment (from founding father proverbs like “A penny saved …” to expanding the number of people who bought wartime bonds and then later became savers) to changing the money supply or interest rates. If policy makers think that we’re short of capital, they can quickly pump billions into the economy. There are no comparable policy levers for increasing levels of entrepreneurship. Not yet.

When The Old Limits No Longer Limit
If capital were still a limit, we’d be in great shape. The S&P 500 have $1.5 trillion in cash and in the third quarter of last year they paid out $200 billion in dividends and stock buybacks. Banks excess reserves have dropped from their August 2014 high of $2.7 trillion but are still at a staggering $1.9 trillion.[3] (Before the Great Recession, excess reserves in the US were closer to $1.5 billion.)

Our education system helped us to overcome the limit of knowledge workers. In 1900, less than 10% of 14 to 17 year olds were formally enrolled in education. By 2000, less than 10% were not. In a century, the US went from an industrial economy dependent on child labor to an information economy dependent on adult education. That helped to transform life in the 20th century, real incomes increasing 6X to 8X and life expectancy rising from 47 to 77.

If knowledge workers and their information technology were still a limit, creating more graduates would help to create more jobs. In 2013, the American education system created 3.7 million graduates, everything from folks with AA degrees to PhDs and all the degrees in between. That same year, the economy ended the year with 2.4 million more jobs than it had at the start. We’re creating graduates faster than we’re creating jobs, 15 new graduates for every 10 net new jobs. It’s no wonder that student debt is becoming a growing issue.

It’s not just ineffectual to pursue old policies in a new economy. It can be dangerous.

A glut of money creates problems. Investors in search of returns, unwilling to accept negative interest rate bonds, too readily bought expensive things like tech stocks in 1999 or subprime mortgage instruments in 2007. Trillions in investments can create a series of bubbles and busts as it wanders the earth like a murmuration of starlings in search of returns.

A glut of graduates creates problems. Young people not only start careers with mounting debt but find it more difficult to find jobs they could not have worked with just a high school diploma. Millennials who are the best-educated generation in history nevertheless fear that they’ll be the first generation in American history to do worse than their parents. (This student debt will also make it tougher for them to finance startups. As medical school has become more expensive, for example, the percentage of doctors working for large groups or hospital has gone up relative to those who start a private practice.)

One consequence of continuing to pursue dated policies is that it makes it tougher to pursue any policy. When incomes are steadily rising, politics is civil. Families can pay a little more in taxes to support schools and help the poor while still taking home more pay after taxes. When incomes are stagnant, politics becomes more divisive. Few people like the idea of not supporting education or the sick but if the choice is between that or less take home pay? Well, the conversation becomes more heated and compromise is harder to reach on top of the fact that everyone starts this policy conversation disenchanted and bewildered.

We don’t need to jettison incredible financial and educational systems that are essentially over-producing, creating more capital or graduates than we can fully employ. We just have to stop looking to those systems as the means to create jobs and wealth. As we become successful at overcoming this new limit of entrepreneurship, we’ll be able to fully employ capital and college grads. Eventually, we will even create enough demand for them to bid their prices up further.


The Central Question of Every Economy
The central question for any generation concerned about economic progress is how to overcome its limit, not the limit of its grandparents or founding fathers. Creative answers to that question result in a new economy and a very different community.

In retrospect, the central question of economic development from about 1700 to 1900 was simple: how do we get more capital and make it more productive? The creative answers to this included everything from the Dutch stock market, Rothschild’s international bond market and the British banking system to the spinning jenny, steam engine, and continuous production technology. (The question is simple. The answers can be complicated.)

The central question of last century was, how do we create more knowledge workers and make them more productive? The creative answers to this included the popularization of K-12 education, the modern university, R&D labs, the modern corporation and information technology.

The question that policy makers everywhere – city hall and senate floor, corporate boardrooms and universities – should now ask has two parts:
  •       How do we create more entrepreneurs and make them more effective?
  •        How do we make employees more entrepreneurial?

Creative answers to these simple questions will transform the economy. We now have a financial system and an education system. We don’t have an entrepreneurial system but instead expect our entrepreneurs just to show up, like autodidacts in 1800. Changing will be an odd, fascinating and profitable project. Think about educating students to be prepared to become entrepreneurs in the same way that we now educate students to become university students and knowledge workers, for instance, or changing the definition of employee.

Changing the Definition of Work. Again.

Perhaps more interesting than the question of how to create more entrepreneurs is the question of how to make employees more entrepreneurial. We – rightfully – make a big deal about national economic policy. It’s worth keeping in mind that measured by GDP or revenue, of the 100 biggest economic entities only 31 are countries; the other 69 are corporations. (Walmart’s $480 billion in revenue would put it just between Sweden and Belgium’s GDP.) Corporate policy deserves as much discussion as national policy if we’re interested in progress. The most important topic in this discussion might be to ask what it means to be an employee in a time when AI like IBM’s Watson is liable to automate knowledge work in the same way that capital automated manual work.

Think about changing employment so that employees within a corporation had as much freedom to pursue new ventures as citizens within a country. Roughly 800,000 Americans make more than the $400,000 a year that we pay the president.[4] That sort of thing was unthinkable in Egypt under Hosni Mubarak or France under King Louis XIV, but as nation-states evolve, people within them have the potential to prosper more than even the head of state. Contrast that with how evolved the corporation is. While it’s common for professional athletes or portfolio managers to make more than their managers, it is rare that anyone inside a traditional Fortune 500 firm makes more than the CEO. What if employees could become more entrepreneurial, were able to create equity by taking existing products into new markets or by leading product and business development efforts that are akin to startup activities? And what if the success of those ventures could actually result in their making more than the head of the company in the same way that an American entrepreneur has the potential to make more than the American president? This dispersion of power and pay is just one way that the popularization of entrepreneurship will change the corporation.

Overcoming the limit of entrepreneurship will require and result in new legislation, new education, and new definitions of what it means to be an employee. As importantly, it will continue in a grand tradition of the west, doing for business what earlier economies did for religion, politics, and finance. That is, it will expand freedom for the individual. There is no way to make employees more entrepreneurial without giving them more freedom.

There are interesting examples of popularizing entrepreneurship within companies. Ricardo Semler did something interesting with his Brazilian company Semco. He gave his employees freedom to negotiate work arrangements. People working side by side on the factory floor doing similar work might have very different arrangements. One was paid hourly, another a monthly salary, another paid by piecework and another might actually be paying Semco to use equipment to make product that she – the employee – could later sell herself. Uber lets “employees” accept or reject specific fares and take just one fare a week or work all day. Amazon’s marketplace and Apple’s iTunes are platforms that let companies and entrepreneurs sell their own products. P&G is among the companies who richly reward successful product development leads whose responsibilities overlap quite a bit with entrepreneurs. All of these are examples of enabling entrepreneurship, blurring the boundary between traditional definitions of employee and entrepreneur, and giving the employee more freedom to define their own work and its results.

This matter of employees gaining more autonomy is not incidental to progress. Autonomy is a way to define progress and each new economy has given the individual in the West more freedom. If you have shoes you have more options about where to go than if you are barefoot; if you have a car you have even more options. If you live in a democracy, you have more options about what to believe and how to live than if you live in a theocracy. If you have a credit card you have more options than if you need to approach a banker to request a loan for a specific item, or can’t get a loan at all. If you have the freedom to create equity as an employee you have more freedom than if you’re expected to adhere to a process someone else defined.

The popularization of entrepreneurship will increase our product options and levels of wealth. Progress, though, is only partly about more and better products. That is only one way that our lives expand to include more options. The first economy didn’t just bring potatoes and tomatoes to Europe; it brought religious freedom. The second economy didn’t just bring fashion and automobiles to households; it brought democratic freedoms. And the third economy didn’t just give us radio and the polio vaccine; it made capitalists out of knowledge workers, giving them financial options that people in 1900 would have found as baffling as the internet. The fourth economy will transform business and work in the same way that the first three economies transformed religion, politics, and finance. That is, it will give us more autonomy, as economic progress always does.

As you might imagine, there is a great deal more to this new economy than would can be captured here. My book, The Fourth Economy: Inventing Western Civilization, can be found here. It's a longer read but it does explain progress from the Dark Ages to about 2050.



[1] https://twitter.com/Bill_Gross/status/821245915579240448
[2] Eli Goldratt, author of The Goal and Critical Chain popularized the ideas of Theory of Constraints (TOC) in the 1980s and 1990s within many Fortune 500 companies and government agencies.
[3] https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/EXCSRESNS
[4] https://www.ssa.gov/cgi-bin/netcomp.cgi?year=2015

29 April 2014

The Deep Roots of Social Conservatives' Disdain for the French

The roots of conservatives' disdain for the French date back to the 1800 election between Jefferson and Adams.

That election took place in the wake of the French Revolution, which was inspired by the American Revolution but was considerably more violent and intent on overthrowing traditions. The American Revolutionaries just severed the ties to their monarchy; the French actually severed the heads of monarchs. Americans gave themselves freedom of religion whereas the French actually outlawed religion for a time, turning the gorgeous Notre Dame into a temple to the cult of reason. What the American Revolution seemed to be to Britain, the French Revolution seemed to be to the United States.

Jefferson, the Republican candidate, had been in France. He also pushed to create not only freedom of religion but freedom from religion in the US. Jefferson was a Deist who did not trust clergy anymore than he trusted aristocracy, and as a man of science he didn't believe in miracles or God's intervention in daily affairs. The Federalists claimed that a vote for Jefferson was a vote against God and religion, a vote for chaos rather than order, a vote to let the rabble have a dangerous amount of influence. Jefferson was a Jacobin, they said, and a vote for him was a vote to head in the direction of godless France.

Federalists - whose candidate for president was President Adams - had passed an Alien and Sedition Act that let them arrest anyone who spoke against the government. They had argued for laws that would let them - essentially the wealthy elite - vote to determine "the people's" representatives. And, of course, they were horrified that a Deist might hold office. The Republicans argued that a vote for Federalists would be a vote to essentially return to British rule. Not only did the Federalists have ties to Britain but some had actually proposed making the presidency and even the Senate lifetime positions, even allow them to be inherited.

It was not true that Jefferson was so intent on individual liberty at the expense of order and so opposed to religious influence that he wanted the US to be like France, but he certainly leaned that direction more than Adams.

It was not true that Adams was so intent on imitating Britain that he would take away the people's rights and move towards solidifying the hold on power of a new, American aristocracy. (Although curiously his son, John Quincy, did become the sixth US president.) But he certainly leaned more in that direction than Jefferson.

It is interesting how many parallels there are between the politics of 1800 and today. But the one shocking thing that has persisted is that conservatives still don't trust the French. (Remember after the French refused to join us in the invasion of Iraq when members of congress proposed renaming french fries "freedom fries?") These conservatives are still the ones who think that God isn't given His proper due in this country and that the rabble who shouldn't be allowed to vote too easily can and see threats to their traditions all around them. 

It's worth pointing out a few things about the hopelessness of the cause of the social conservative, though. Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence and is more revered than Adams. Jefferson won the election of 1800, taking the presidency from Adams. Not only did he win but the Federalists proved so irrelevant that their party eventually disappeared. Jefferson had  a disdain for tradition but he was only the first in a string of presidents who decided not to wear a sword or powdered wig for his inauguration. And Hamilton - who was head of the Federalist Party and more extreme than Adams - was shot and killed by the Republican, Jefferson's former Vice President, Aaron Burr. Hamilton and the Federalist Party were killed off by Republicans. Social conservatives, however were not. Now they protect the very values and traditions that shocked Federalists and take offense instead at the next wave of social change. Oh, and seemingly still hate the French.

17 March 2010

Less Jefferson, More Schlafly. If that doesn't make America stronger, we'll have to resort to more drastic measures

Texas is changing textbooks, putting more emphasis on the influence of Phyllis Schlafly and less on Thomas Jefferson.

“By getting married, the woman has consented to sex, and I don’t think you can call it rape.”
- Phyllis Schlafly

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”
- Thomas Jefferson

The Texas State Board of Education approved some controversial right-leaning alterations to what most students in the state – and by extension, in much of the rest of the country – will be studying as received historical and social-scientific wisdom. Here are some of the other signal shifts that the Texas Board endorsed last Friday.

A greater emphasis on “the conservative resurgence of the 1980s and 1990s.” This means not only increased favorable mentions of Schlafly, the founder of the antifeminist Eagle Forum, but also more discussion of the Moral Majority, the Heritage Foundation, the National Rifle Association, and Newt Gingrich’s Contract with America.

Thomas Jefferson no longer included among writers influencing the nation’s intellectual origins. Jefferson, a deist who helped pioneer the legal theory of the separation of church and state, is not a model founder in the board’s judgment.


Read the whole thing here.

08 January 2008

Cynics Alert - Oddly Optimistic Blog Posting About America

Monday night, I flew into Washington National airport about 8 PM. The flight path sometimes goes right over the mall and I find the view inspiring every time. The monuments all lit up. The capitol dome behind Washington's monument. (Okay, Washington's monument is admittedly odd. Could we have erected a more phallic symbol to honor the father of our country?) The Jefferson Memorial aglow along the Potomac River. Then, as I drive south, I again see the beauty of the mall from another angle. It's a view that would have to inspire at least a temporary love of country in even the most jaded lobbyist.

This country is such a fabulously interesting experiment in social invention, such a brilliant bit of daring on the part of the founding fathers. And for all our kibitzing and whining about the way things are (I sometimes think that blogging is the equivalent of talking back to the TV), the results have been unpredictably spectacular.

When this country was founded, in the late 18th century, life expectancy was not even 30 years. Monarchs dictated even your beliefs. "All men were created equal" are among the most revolutionary words ever written.

Tonight, the pundits are analyzing Hillary's win over Barack Obama. Putting aside politics and who one would like to see win, I think that the Obama - Clinton victories are a beautiful thing. The Democrats are favored to win in the fall, so their primaries really do matter. And that a black won the first caucus and a woman the first primary is truly extraordinary.

It seems to give evidence to the claim that we are, indeed, still making progress. For the sake of your blood pressure, take a day to revel in this fact. This country was founded by idealists with a sense of urgency, possibility, and nearly inexplicable optimism. We've no reason to give up on that combination now. History is still being made and this is a fascinating time to be alive.